Sanctions
in sentence
2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence
The Committee of Ministers, which oversees implementation, should issue public
sanctions
where appropriate.
Hu will urge Obama to resume bilateral talks with North Korea under the Six-Party umbrella; and he may press China’s position that, in the long term, economic engagement is more effective than
sanctions
in changing North Korea’s behavior.
A report by the University of California Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation and the Asia Society makes the case for economic engagement with North Korea as a long-term strategy that would complement the
sanctions
now in place.
Commitments regarding increased debt relief, further normalization of relations, and additional aid and investment are possible incentives that European states could put on the table, particularly in the hard push before January 9.Consequences could include new
sanctions
or the strengthening of existing ones (asset freezes, travel bans, an arms embargo, and capital-market sanctions); increased cooperation with the International Criminal Court on current and potential cases against those most responsible for war crimes in Darfur and the South; postponement of debt relief; and a freeze on oil transactions conducted in euros.
This legitimate “mercantile” concern has supposedly been reciprocated by “small steps” by Russia in the direction of a policy of
sanctions
against Iran.
That is true for any exporting business: US secondary
sanctions
mean that companies and governments everywhere must consider whether their business with Iran is more important than their business with the US.
If the US is too aggressive in its enforcement of secondary sanctions, other countries might either develop payment systems of their own or forbid their companies from doing further business with US firms.
But the US and its allies quickly rejected the agreement as an Iranian ploy designed to halt the growing momentum for additional
sanctions.
Advocates of
sanctions
argue that they are having a crippling effect on the Iranian economy.
If Iran displays a real willingness to compromise, the West should hold off on the new
sanctions.
First, Ukraine demands a bilateral protocol on market access, which would force Russia to abolish roughly 100 trade sanctions, primarily in agriculture.
Women must be able to base their reproductive choices on their own physical and emotional needs and desires, not on the moral judgments of powerful agents or risk of criminal
sanctions.
And, as the threat of recent (now reversed) US
sanctions
on the Chinese telecoms firm ZTE confirms, China cannot depend on a reliable supply of critical inputs from the US; it must depend on its own capabilities.Moreover, as the PCAST report notes, Chinese subsidies for science and technology industries are not zero-sum; they can benefit US consumers through innovation, lower costs, and lower prices.
And, as the threat of recent (now reversed) US
sanctions
on the Chinese telecoms firm ZTE confirms, China cannot depend on a reliable supply of critical inputs from the US; it must depend on its own capabilities.
If a government is the source of the threat to cultural sites,
sanctions
may be a more appropriate tool.
But, with the escalating financial
sanctions
of the past year now clearly biting hard, the signs are more encouraging than they have been for some time.
Fourth, it wants to avoid the further economic pain that universally applied
sanctions
would cause.
The US and European decision to impose some economic
sanctions
now, with the possibility of adopting tougher and broader
sanctions
later, is not a sign of weakness but of strategic calculation.
The PSC is the driving force behind the Boycott, Divestment, and
Sanctions
(BDS) movement, which often conflates opposition to Israel with hatred of Jews.
An odd coalition of Iranian radicals, AIPAC, the Saudi-led Sunni alliance, the Israeli government, and US politicians from both parties have already compelled Obama to promise additional
sanctions
on Iran for its sponsorship of terrorism.
Nowhere is this more apparent than in Obama’s recent executive order imposing
sanctions
on seven mid-level Venezuelan law-enforcement and military officials, who are accused of violating protesters’ rights during last year’s anti-government demonstrations.
This campaign appears to be bearing fruit with a gradual lifting of EU
sanctions
against Russia, starting this summer.
Thus, China threatens to veto any resolution of the United Nations Security Council that might impose
sanctions
against the Arab ruling class in the Sudanese government, whose troops and government-allied militias are perpetrating genocide against Sudan’s black citizens, using Chinese-made helicopter gunships based at airstrips maintained by Chinese oil companies.
In fact, just last week, Trump was given no choice but to sign a bill imposing new
sanctions
on Russia that he had stridently opposed.
And now that the US Congress has stepped in, Trump can no longer unilaterally lift
sanctions
on Russia.
For example, many in Germany are worried about US
sanctions
targeting the Russian energy sector, which could affect Nord Stream 2, a pipeline that bypasses Ukraine to deliver natural gas directly from Russia to Germany.
At the same time, Poland, long wary of Russian attempts to forge an energy alliance with Germany, has welcomed the new
sanctions.
For the first time, apparently, these environmental measures will be backed up by trade
sanctions.
Finally, long-term mismanagement and international
sanctions
have pushed the North Korean economy to the brink of collapse.
That is why Russia must be persuaded to change course through a combination of economic sanctions, strategic unity, and diplomatic engagement; by contrast, the Islamic State’s ambitions cannot be contained, so they must be suppressed.
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