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Sanctions in sentence

2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence

That response may be surprising, given the tangible consequences of the annexation – in particular, the economic impact of Western sanctions, the effects of which have been compounded by plummeting oil prices since June 2014.
If China’s ultimate goals include internationalizing the renminbi, its more immediate objective, prompted in part by US tariffs or sanctions on China and other countries, is de-dollarization of the international system.
It is also a way for China to capitalize on the US trade sanctions imposed against it – exposing liabilities in these sanctions.
Both Russia and Iran, for example, are selling oil to China and accepting payment in renminbi, in response to actual or potential sanctions imposed on them by the US.
Finance Minister Peer Steinbrueck signaled that he expected the European Commission to apply some sanctions to Germany: the credibility of the pact would, he said, be at stake if no action were taken.
Thus, Germany would not block sanctions this time, as it did two and a half years ago.
But Steinbrueck also made it clear that he expects any sanctions in response to Germany’s predicted 3.4%-of-GDP fiscal deficit to be largely symbolic, not penalties that would cost its government or economy anything of significance.
Iran’s OptionsBerlin -- With President Bush in Europe getting EU leaders to agree to toughen UN sanctions against Iran, and with the ongoing debate between John McCain and Barack Obama about whether the US needs to talk with Iran’s rulers, the issue of Iran’s nuclear program is heating up.
Indeed, as recently as last year, Turkey voted against new sanctions on Iran at the United Nations Security Council.
By reinstating sanctions, Trump is all but begging the Iranian people – who will bear the brunt of the sanctions’ pain – to rise up against their government.
Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has already hinted at this possibility, but his ability to deliver could be limited when sanctions return.
Even without the US, the JCPOA’s remaining signatories can salvage the agreement’s central tenets by supporting Iran’s moderate leaders in mitigating the effects of new sanctions.
In order to reach a new deal that ensures Iran’s continued denuclearization, puts its ballistic missile program under surveillance, and encourages a less hostile foreign policy, both sanctions and regime change must be taken off the table.
Russia continues to place hurdles before American proposals for sanctions on Iran, has signed with it lavish energy contracts, and is about to sell it advanced aerial systems aimed at thwarting a possible Israeli or American attack.
This month, China torpedoed, for the fifth time in two years, proposed UN sanctions on Masood Azhar, the Pakistan-based head of Jaish-e-Mohammed, which the UN designated as a terrorist outfit years ago.
The sanctions were backed by all other members of the Security Council’s anti-terror committee, not least because India had presented evidence linking Azhar to the terrorist killings at its two military bases.
Whereas the West lost no time in imposing sanctions on President Vladimir Putin’s Russia following its annexation of Crimea, it has not punished Israel’s occupation of Palestinian lands.
Europe’s stagnant growth in the second quarter has been explained away as an aberration reflecting the confluence of weather effects and sanctions imposed on Russia.
On the fiscal side, the rules of the Stability and Growth Pact were even weakened, and the decisions on adjustment measures and possible sanctions became dependent on short-sighted political considerations.
What is required is de-politicized fiscal and macroeconomic surveillance, stricter and more binding budgetary rules, smoother recourse to sanctions for breaching them, and close co-ordination of economic policies.
Sanctions, to be credible, must come into play long before a country falls into economic difficulties; therefore, they should not be purely financial in character, but should include other measures as well.
Such sanctions should begin to be imposed when governments fail to meet minimum requirements for attaining medium-term objectives.
The higher the risk, the more binding the recommendations for the reduction of imbalances, the stricter the surveillance of how well appropriate measures are implemented, and the harsher the possible sanctions for continued rule violations.
Now, ten months later, the Security Council is paralyzed over Syria, unable to agree not only on the extreme step of military force, but even on lesser coercive measures like targeted sanctions, an arms embargo, or referral to the International Criminal Court.
During this period of uncertainty, we recommend framing US policy toward Burma on the basis of changes taking place in the country, using both engagement and sanctions to encourage reform.
The Obama administration’s decision to maintain trade and investment sanctions on Burma in the absence of meaningful change, particularly with regard to the Burmese government’s intolerance of political opposition, is correct.
The removal by the US of some noneconomic sanctions designed to restrict official bilateral interaction is welcome, and an even greater relaxation in communications, through both official and unofficial channels, should be implemented.
If there is no movement on these fronts, there will likely be pressure in the US for tightening sanctions.
If there is no recourse but to pursue stronger sanctions, the US should coordinate with others, including the European Union and ASEAN, to impose targeted financial and banking measures to ensure that military leaders and their associates cannot evade the impact of what otherwise would be less-effective unilateral sanctions.
(US regulators have also imposed high penalties on foreign banks for breaches of American sanctions policies in relation to Iran.)
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