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Royal in sentence

371 examples of Royal in a sentence

The Ottomans introduced the practice of “judicial royal fratricide,” supposedly to prevent civil war.
If, in the seventeenth century, you wanted to watch Macbeth in your house, you had to be named James Stuart, have William Shakespeare and his acting company on retainer, and have a full-sized theater in your royal palace.
References to it can be found on clay tablets from the royal library of Nineveh and Babylon, dating from before the sixth century BC, as well as in a collection of Chinese legends ascribed to Lieh Tzu dating from the fifth century BC.
Frozen states include Saudi Arabia, where “democracy” is omitted from official discourse, even limited partial elections have been put on hold, and the royal succession remains a secret kept from the population.
Moreover, MBS, for all his faults, is something of a reformer, understanding that his country must open up and diversify if it is to thrive and the royal family is to survive.
As it stands, the Kingdom’s underlying political settlement depends on the royal family’s alliances with businesses, which have a free hand to import labor, and guaranteed public-sector jobs for citizens.
From our reigning royal family (which is German) to our exports (overwhelmingly to Europe), we have helped to shape and in our turn been shaped by developments in the rest of Western Europe.
Perhaps if the Saudi royal family could grasp that simple fact, it would no longer need to deny the true sources of the Kingdom’s insecurity.
In the past, political stability in Saudi Arabia rested on three separate deals: within the royal family; between the royal family and the Kingdom’s traditional elites; and between the state and the population.
But the royal family has grown too large and become too divided to justify the cost of maintaining its unity.
Given the problems abroad and grumbling at home, where some in the Saudi royal family resent his meteoric ascent, MBS now needs to prove that he has the maturity and experience to lead.
Members of the Saudi royal family are not entering the race, as they already enjoy ultimate political power.
Messages by their dissident compatriot Osama Bin Laden are periodically beamed from that channel, inciting Saudis against the royal family.
Despite its reluctance to change, the Saudi royal family is obviously yielding to these multiple pressures from within, from neighbors, and from the wider world, although the extent of change is still nominal and obviously leaves much to be desired.
Now, after a half-century of competition between military or royal dictatorships and militant Islamist regimes, many Arabs are again seeking a “third way” – a path toward a credible form of representative democracy.
At the same time, the Saudi leadership is facing significant domestic challenges, including vast economic disparities, inadequate services, growing frustration with the lack of political freedom, and a difficult succession process within the royal family.
And the question of royal succession also needs clarification as Thailand’s constitutional monarchy navigates the uncertain path ahead.
The Kuwaitis, along with the region's other royal states--Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and the UAE--may be the best bet to pursue a liberal approach, given the already tolerant nature of their kings and emirs.
The al-Saud royal family failed to back the US effort in Iraq because of domestic concerns.
A Saudi Survival StrategyDid the bombings that rocked Riyadh shock the al-Saud royal family from its complacency at long last?
For example, Morrison has opposed same-sex marriage, a phase-out of reliance on coal, and royal commission scrutiny of the big banks, and has supported big corporate tax cuts and a major dilution of Australia’s traditionally progressive income tax.
The practice is similar to Tudor England’s grants of royal patent monopolies, which were used to replenish the king’s coffers.
Brexit and King CanuteLONDON – The legend of King Canute describes how an early Anglo-Saxon King showed his subjects the limits of royal power.
Moreover, a royal intervention would risk returning Thailand to square one, seeking to rewrite its constitution to remedy the shortfalls of its democratic culture.
But the numbers of visitors began to rise sharply after the city fell under the control of the Saudi royal family in 1924.
As soon as the Saudi royal family seized the city, the new rulers destroyed the Shia and Sufi shrines that might have undermined their sought-after monopoly over the ritual aspects of the pilgrimage.
As the Israeli novelist and essayist David Goldman put it, Egypt’s future now “depends on what happens in the royal palace at Riyadh, not in Tahrir Square.”
The revolution’s leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, did not hide his contempt for the Saudi royal family; he quickly positioned Iran as a champion of “the oppressed” against “the forces of arrogance” – the United States and its local allies, Saudi Arabia and Israel.
In the royal palaces in Riyadh, the prospect of Iranian-backed uprisings in Bahrain – or in Saudi Arabia itself – began to look alarmingly plausible.
Indeed, he welcomed Hamas leader Khaled Mashal in an official meeting that included a royal lunch, meetings with Prime Minister Fayez Tarawneh, and, most important, talks with the head of Jordan’s intelligence service, which in 1999 had recommended the expulsion from Jordan of Mashal and four other senior Hamas officials.
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