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Royal in sentence

371 examples of Royal in a sentence

It is the responsibility of all Saudis – and not just the royal family – to work harder to tamp down radicalism within their country’s borders and beyond.
That royal wealth necessarily entails substantial investments in and with Thai big business in all sectors of the economy.
The People’s Committee viewed this rejection as an attempt to pressure the king into countersigning the law – and thus as a threat to royal prerogatives and the king’s exalted role in Thailand.
Not only is it rooted in a rich tradition of royal and princely patronage, but it commands broad ideological support in these liberal democratic days.
Congress can obstruct Obama’s foreign policy as well, but this remains a domain where any US president “enjoys almost royal prerogatives,” to use Alexis de Tocqueville’s somewhat inflated description.
These include the royal family itself; the bureaucracy and technocratic elites; the media and intelligentsia; the massive national oil company, Saudi Aramco; and the religious establishment and its various institutions.
Moreover, MBS managed all of this while still formally adhering to the Saudi royal family’s strict protocols and elaborate codes of hierarchy.
A stalemate has taken hold, with the denouement likely to be reached only after the royal succession.
True, the French had neither the Olympic Games nor a royal celebration this year; but, when it comes to the state of their economies, the two countries are largely in the same boat.
We now know that the Saudi royal family has been urging the US to undertake a military attack on Iran to prevent it from becoming capable of producing nuclear weapons.
LONDON – In the early 1970’s, Saudi Arabia’s King Faisal reportedly confided to senior members of the royal family his fear that, just as in a single generation the country had moved from “riding camels to riding Cadillacs….the next generation could be riding camels again.”
For Saudi Wahhabism, in which absolute power is granted to the royal family by religious mandate, innovative forms of political Islam that anchor legitimacy in genuine representation are a strategic threat.
In such a scenario, the economy would gradually weaken, hampering the royal family’s ability to continue buying middle-class support, while enabling rebel groups in the east and the south to erode the government’s authority.
But, as working-class Thais, who had tolerated military and technocratic rule for decades, came to embrace the kingdom’s new democratic politics, they voted for populist parties that would shift political power away from the royal, military, and political elites.
Saudi Arabia has shown remarkable resilience in overcoming political weakness, often by using its considerable oil revenues to buy itself out of trouble and maintain a large royal family that has been an essential source of stability.
It is because the Saudi royal family derives its legitimacy from a strict form of Sunni Islam and doubts the loyalty of its Shia population that the Kingdom has turned on Hezbollah.
After the Kingdom’s founding in 1932, many Saudis enjoyed unprecedentedly high standards of living, and hundreds of members of the Saudi royal family were transformed from desert sheikhs into enormously rich members of the international moneyed elite.
Domestic pressure on the Saudi royal family, the al-Sauds, arises from widespread opposition to any war against Iraq, as well as to America’s military presence.
In 2013, the Saudi royal family searched for regional allies, and sought – as in Egypt – to restore old allies to power.
Eight hundred years ago this month, it offered a colorful spectacle, dotted with the tents of barons and knights, and the larger pavilion of King John of England, looking like a circus top with the royal standard fluttering above.
In Thailand, ISPs have, in the last three years, blocked access to a number of sites that are perceived to be offensive toward the country’s royal family.
The struggle between church and state for political mastery goes back to the Middle Ages, when Philippe le Bel’s jurists sought to impose royal power over the Roman Catholic Church in France.
The sharp divide between producers and consumers of knowledge began only about 300 years ago, when book printers secured royal protection for their trade in the face of piracy in a rapidly expanding literary market.
Even those who encouraged the military intervention, believing that it was needed to restore law and order or to maintain stability during the looming royal succession, are having second thoughts.
So, threatened as the regional hegemon, Saudi Arabia has joined the reform race by announcing partial municipal elections to consultative bodies in which the royal family already appoints half the members.
The first such case was likely that of Peter Berchet, a young Protestant, who felt that he had to kill the royal councilor Christopher Hatton, also a Protestant, whom Berchet believed to be a Catholic sympathizer.
The soap operas coming outof Buckingham Palace had turned adulation of the royal family into voyeurism.
Should the royal succession be contested, Thailand could enter yet another period of chaos and violence.
Senegalese firms seek to help their Spanish business partners, while Portugal extends an almost royal welcome to the leaders of their former colony, newly oil-rich Angola.
There are examples, in polygamous societies, of royal concubines murdering each other’s children in order to assure the predominance of their genetic line.
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