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Rights in sentence

5406 examples of Rights in a sentence

Not once, however, has the President suggested that these problems might be addressed through the UN human rights treaty system - a system through which Iraq has committed to abide by the very principles it is accused of violating.
Or perhaps it is because Iraq is far from alone in its disregard of its human rights treaty commitments.
Whatever the reason, the apparent irrelevance of the human rights treaty system in current debates is a worrisome sign.
In the half century since the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the world community has created nearly 100 universal and regional human rights agreements governing issues as diverse as discrimination against women, state-sponsored torture, and the right of collective bargaining.
Although these developments provide clear symbols of the world's ongoing commitment to protecting human rights, strikingly little is known about the true effectiveness of such treaties in achieving their goals.
My own recent research suggests that although countries that ratify treaties usually have better human rights records than countries that do not, countries with the worst human rights records actually ratify many treaties as often as nations with the best practices.
Moreover, violations of human rights treaties abound.
Of course, that some rogue states ratify human rights treaties should not call the treaty system as a whole into doubt.
Human rights treaties serve to foster gradual improvements in human rights practices in both non-ratifying and ratifying countries through changes in shared understandings of what behavior is acceptable.
Human rights treaties may also have positive effects on ratifying countries over the long term, creating public commitments to which human rights activists can point as they push nations to make gradual, if grudging, improvements down the road.
Nonetheless, there is as of yet no clear evidence that the UN's human rights treaties have a direct measurable positive impact on the human rights practices of individual countries that ratify them, all else being equal.
For the most part, human rights treaties are poorly monitored and enforced, and those countries that join face little or no penalty for failing to match their rhetoric with action.
In this context, it is perhaps to be expected that some countries might be tempted to use ratification to try to placate those pressing for improvements in human rights, thereby turning ratification into a substitute for, rather than a spur to, real improvements in human rights.
What, then, should be done to make the human rights treaty system more effective and more relevant?
The more information we have about countries' human rights practices, the harder it will be for them to get away with abuses.
Above all, guardians of human rights must remain vigilant, viewing ratification of treaties not as the end of the struggle for human dignity, but as the beginning in an evolving campaign.
Orthodoxy has always upheld the sacred rights of the creditor; political necessity has frequently demanded relief for the debtor.
This new confrontation, however, is not defined by antagonism between communism and capitalism, but by a dispute over social and political order – a dispute about freedom, democracy, the rule of law and human rights – as well as by a struggle for geopolitical spheres of influence.
Second, a market economy needs strong political and legal institutions to protect property rights and competition.
Education is a basic right codified in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Human rights cannot be defended if antiterrorism activities fail to respect the rule of law.
That is why the current French debate on the headscarf is so important, for it concerns the rights of Muslim women in European societies and the protection of diversity.
Democracies can deal with political Islam and respect fundamental rights.
While the state is involved in much economic activity and property rights are frequently contested, private property is nevertheless firmly established.
The surge of modern American fundamentalism in politics dates to the civil rights era of the 1960’s, and at least partly reflects a backlash among whites against the growing political and economic strength of non-white and immigrant minority groups in US society.
But both parties won after running on a moderate platform of constitutionalism, separation of powers, civil liberties, and women’s rights.
But the elevation of the Social Chapter, previously a list of good intentions, to the status of fundamental constitutional rights, threatens to encumber workers and businesses in the member states with burdensome judicial proceedings and expensive social entitlements written by judges in Luxembourg whose last word is beyond appeal.
The inclusion in Part II of the draft on "social rights" - such as the right not to be unjustly dismissed, or the right to receive old-age pensions, unemployment compensation, and health benefits (regardless of cost) - is in no way necessary to the functioning of the whole.
The most ardent advocate of expanded health care rights should agree that the forum for that advocacy is the Parliament, not the European Court of Justice.
The fact that certain "social rights" have made their way into some national constitutions on the Continent is no reason to impose them, as the present draft does, on the entire Union.
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