Retirement
in sentence
671 examples of Retirement in a sentence
Even at its worst, unemployment in Japan rarely exceeded 4%, owing to a combination of early retirement, social programs, work-sharing, and political pressure on large employers.
Record numbers of people are going into retirement, but many would prefer to work, at least part-time.
Reforms will need to include both increases in the
retirement
age and changes in benefits, especially the de-linking of the minimum pension from the minimum wage.
Moreover, MGI estimates that addressing barriers like mandatory
retirement
ages and perverse tax incentives could add about 200 million workers over the age of 65 to the world’s labor pool.
Thus, fiscal reform should focus on reducing the growth of spending commitments, which –given the aging of EU societies – must include raising the
retirement
age.
It guarantees a socio-cultural subsistence minimum by paying replacement incomes in the form of social aid, unemployment benefits, or early
retirement
benefits.
In recent decades, financial assets have expanded dramatically relative to any measure of economic activity, as life expectancy increased and the post-WWII baby boomers began to think about saving for
retirement.
If every increase in the after-tax wage rate gave a permanent boost to the amount of labor supplied, we reasoned, steeply rising after-tax wages since the mid-nineteenth century would have brought an extraordinary increase in the length of the workweek and in
retirement
ages.
True, everyone is expected to contribute while they work, before becoming a recipient in
retirement.
And, despite his age, they promised that he would have a full five years as Finance Minister, which would push his tenure past the normal
retirement
age.
Some are talking about letting people own their social security contributions, in the form of personal
retirement
accounts, their health care through health savings accounts, and their education through educational savings accounts and school vouchers.
But other proposals carry bigger risks, notably the privatization of
retirement
pensions, which is talked about in many countries, and that some – including Great Britain, Chile, Sweden, and Mexico – have already put in place, at least partly.
Our government is eager to rationalize the pension system (for example, by limiting early retirement), proceed with partial privatization of public assets, address the non-performing loans that are clogging the economy’s credit circuits, create a fully independent tax commission, and boost entrepreneurship.
This is on top of large increases in life expectancy already seen: in the United Kingdom, public-service pensioners who stop working at 60 can expect to spend about 40-45% of their adult lives in retirement, compared to about one-third for such pensioners in the 1980’s.
More than 12 million people in the UK are dependent in some way on public-service pensions for their
retirement
income.
A CARE scheme is more suited to the new ways we need to start thinking about work and
retirement.
According to current projections, this would bring the proportion of adult life in
retirement
back to around one-third; roughly where it was in the 1980’s.
Policymakers must use stronger metrics to assess human capital and reexamine investment in education, curriculum design, hiring and firing practices, women’s integration into the workforce,
retirement
policies, immigration legislation, and welfare policies.
But there is no question that Khrushchev had an easier time of it in his
retirement
than has his successor in reform, Mikhail Gorbachev.
Poles are demonstrating against legislation enacted by the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party that would lower the
retirement
age of Supreme Court justices, effectively forcing out all judges over the age of 65 and allowing the PiS to pack the court with its own tame justices.
Even if there is a problem, it can easily be fixed; spending a fraction of the money that went into Bush’s two tax cuts would have fixed Social Security for 75 years; slight benefit cuts, adjusting the age of retirement, or minor adjustments in the level of contributions could fix the system permanently.
Privatization advocates insist, however, that investments in stocks would yield sufficiently higher returns to provide individuals the same
retirement
income as before, with the surplus used to fill the gap.
But warnings that the ratio of workers to retirees will fall from 2.1 to 1.3 overstate the case, because they arbitrarily define working age as ending at 65, and ignore the potential to increase
retirement
ages, as the Abe government is now doing.
Macron has indicated that he does not want to increase the
retirement
age, change the 35-hour workweek, or make it easier for firms to dismiss workers.
Life expectancy is rising, but
retirement
ages often remain in the late 50s, implying that pensioners could be encouraged to become teachers.
It may be fascinating, but there is little confidence that the myriad issues that are shaping it, from unemployment to terrorism and security to
retirement
benefits to the moralization of political life, will be resolved.
Pensioners and those near retirement, facing low income from interest, may cut back further on consumption, weakening the economy.
The Trump administration and the Republican-controlled Congress have gutted Obama’s fiduciary rule, which would have required professional financial advisers to put their clients’ interests first when advising them on assets invested through
retirement
plans.
Indeed, one key factor impeding consumption is the imperative faced by China’s older workers to save for
retirement.
With retirement, they have lost almost all options: they can no longer work more, nor can they sign up for private health plans – the insurance premiums at their age are too high.
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