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Response in sentence

4470 examples of Response in a sentence

Politicians have a powerful incentive to get Europe’s response to the refugee crisis right.
An enlightened policy response to the refugee crisis could help Europe in other ways as well.
If interest rates were well above zero, the Fed would have scope to raise them further in case of overheating or to lower them in response to adverse demand shocks.
The EU was established as a response to a century of war and terror that brought Europe to the brink of self-destruction.
Many Europeans have lost trust in an EU establishment that seems incompetent, self-serving, and out of touch – a perception reinforced by EU leaders’ chaotic response to the refugee crisis, which populists have been quick to exploit by linking the newcomers to terrorism.
They could profit from smartphones with simple adaptations that can be used in a range of health-screening tests (for example, for cardiovascular disease, HIV and other pathogens, or malaria), with the results being sent straight to hospitals for an immediate response.
Investing now, on the other hand, would pay off in the long term: just $6 billion more per year for the AIDS response today would save more than $40 billion in averted treatment costs alone over the next decade.
So, for those who observe that the economic and financial fallout from Trump’s trade war has been surprisingly small, the best response is: just wait.
The response of the countries involved has been fragmented and repressive.
But, during the last few decades of the century, European tariff rates fell substantially, largely in response to the United Kingdom’s unilateral repeal of the Corn Laws, which had imposed substantial tariffs on imported grain.
Putin’s defiant foreign policy is a response – mediated by an authoritarian political tradition, the reactionary tenets of Orthodox Christianity, and pride in Russia’s vast geography and natural wealth – to the humiliating loss of an empire.
Seeing in Russia’s Cold War defeat the need to extol the non-Western roots of Russian history and tradition, Putin has fallen back on the same conservative values that emerged in response to the Napoleonic invasion of 1812, frustrating Peter the Great’s modernization efforts.
Corruption and illegal fishing do not acknowledge national borders; they require an international response.
There has been a rethinking of the structure and role of our traditional military alliances, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which is setting up a new NATO Response Force and has moved outside Europe for the first time with the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan.
The second response is even more important: as China develops its innovative capabilities, the US must invest more in its own science and technology base.
Collectively, the US response to Sputnik propelled advances in aeronautical science, microelectronics, integrated circuits, and communications.
Made in China 2025 demands a similar response.
While he promoted parliamentary rule in England, ended the civil war, and allowed a degree of religious toleration, he also supported the trial and execution of Charles I and brutally conquered Ireland in response to a perceived threat from an alliance of Irish Catholics and English Royalists.
Meanwhile, there is strong public demand – angry and urgent – for a government response aimed at preventing another crisis and ending the problem of “too big to fail” financial institutions.
Ironically, a nineteenth-century response, featuring balance-of-power politics and the rearmament of Europe and Japan, may be part of what is required to do it.
Palestine’s response to Israel’s release in December of 26 political prisoners – the third batch from a total of 104 detainees that Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu pledged to release when the peace talks were revived last summer – is a case in point.
Likewise, twice in the first half of the twentieth century, in response to an increasingly radical Catalan clerisy, the region’s industrialists ended up supporting authoritarian solutions from the Spanish government.
So the challenge remains to devise a response that will gain widespread international backing and influence North Korean behavior and capabilities.
The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC), created in response to the great debt relief campaigns of the 1990s, has written off around $77 billion in debt for 36 countries.
One way to interpret China’s elevated rhetoric – and its tough response to joint US-South Korean military maneuvers – is as another indication that Chinese leaders have grown supremely self-confident and are eager to throw their weight around.
Simply put, it has been a magnificent demonstration of how response to human tragedy can unite rather than divide, reinforcing the impulse to cooperate rather than confront.
What is more puzzling is the cool response from the country’s political parties, none of which indicated a willingness to support law reform in this area.
Lacking other instruments with which to address these problems, the pressure for a protectionist response is growing.
If fears of deflation were to recede, and if output and employment were to grow more vigorously, the pressure for a protectionist response would dissipate.
In Singapore, I quoted Lee Kuan Yew’s response to a question I once asked him about whether China would surpass the US.
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