Response
in sentence
4470 examples of Response in a sentence
In response, Egypt’s military and security forces launched an offensive against Bedouin militants in Sinai, while Morsi forced the General Intelligence Service’s director to retire and dismissed the governor of Northern Sinai.
And, in view of Hamas’s close links with Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, whose political party backed Morsi’s successful presidential run, Israel has restrained its
response
to terrorist and rocket attacks from Gaza.
Regardless of how one categorizes Trump’s domestic agenda, it is clearly a
response
to a world in which a principle of openness – to foreign goods, capital, and people – coexists with a complex system for regulating these flows.
The concept received a rather frosty reception in academic and policy circles – an understandable response, given strong conditioning to think and act cyclically.
If policymakers implement a more comprehensive response, they can put their economies on a more stable and prosperous path – one of high inclusive growth, declining inequality, and genuine financial stability.
Such a policy
response
would have to include pro-growth structural reforms (such as higher infrastructure investment, a tax overhaul, and labor retooling), more responsive fiscal policy, relief for pockets of excessive indebtedness, and improved global coordination.
Already committed to reforming his country’s crony capitalism, he now has a mandate to challenge Merkel’s crisis
response.
Third, in
response
to slower growth and lower inflation (owing partly to lower commodity prices), the world’s major central banks pursued another round of unconventional monetary easing: lower policy rates, forward guidance, quantitative easing (QE), and credit easing.
Burning Down the HouseABIDJAN – What does it take to generate a global
response
to a global threat?
The financial crisis of 2008 and the threats from insurgency and terrorism in 2014 are seen as “clear and present dangers” to one and all – and both have drawn a global
response.
Meanwhile, climate change, and the devastating effects of carbon-dioxide emissions, pose greater and longer-term threats, and yet have elicited only a feeble
response
from the global community for the past 30 years.
The world has flagrantly failed in its
response
to the 2005 Kyoto Protocol: Today, we emit more greenhouse gases than at any point in history.
And, while this paradox is no excuse for complacency in responding to what the United Nations has rightly called a global NCD crisis, it does have practical implications for that
response.
In response, China suspended its participation in bilateral military exchanges on cyber threats.
Government’s mounting debts have been a
response
to the economic downturn, not its cause.
In response, the Poles and Hungarians are gaining the confidence to demand that they will have full EU membership or none at all.
For those in the United States who have rightly concluded that the half-century trade embargo has proved counter-productive, this is an appealing halfway
response
that provides an alibi for moderation: one day, economic reforms will bring political change.
Just as Brexit was a negative surprise, the spontaneous
response
to it is a positive one.
The BRICS’
response
is both understandable and disquieting.
Given the dearth of diplomatic achievements nowadays, the Greek-Macedonian agreement, concluded at Lake Prespa (which borders the Republic of Macedonia, Greece, and Albania), received an overwhelmingly positive
response
from the international community when it was announced on June 12.
First, they will say the immediate
response
of the US Federal Reserve and the Department of the Treasury to the crisis in 2007 was first-rate, whereas the
response
immediately after the stock-market crash of 1929 was fifth-rate, at best.
On the other hand, future historians will also say that the longer-term US
response
after 2007-2008 was third-rate or worse, whereas the
response
from President Franklin Roosevelt, Congress, and the Fed in the years following the Depression was second- or even first-rate.
And when thinking about what comes next, the most worrisome aspect of the post-2007
response
is that those who implemented it, and those who succeeded them, still do not recognize it as a failure.
Eichengreen traces our tepid
response
to the crisis to the triumph of monetarist economists, the disciples of Milton Friedman, over their Keynesian and Minskyite peers – at least when it comes to interpretations of the causes and consequences of the Great Depression.
Wolf and Eichengreen would agree that the main shortcomings that led to the 2008 financial crisis – and that continue to underpin our inadequate
response
to it – are intellectual.
First, the good news: the economic side of the case.China’s
response
of to the world economic crisis is the central reason why the financial turbulence that emanated from the US sub-prime debacle did not completely destroy the world economy and lead to a repeat of the 1930’s Great Depression.
Trump’s
response
– that those leaders are the ones who made the world “such a dangerous place” – sounds just plausible enough to justify ignoring their warning.
Europe’s initial
response
was incoherent, with different EU member states taking radically different approaches to the influx.
In response, China has launched its “Silk Road” initiative to create an economic zone that will favor its own priorities.
These ongoing measures are a
response
to the weaponization of social-media platforms by illiberal state intelligence agencies and extremist groups seeking to divide Western societies with hate speech and disinformation.
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