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Response in sentence

4470 examples of Response in a sentence

Once the recession ends and recovery begins, a “stock-adjustment” response takes hold, as households compensate for foregone replacement and update their aging durable goods.
In the eight recoveries since the early 1950’s (excluding the brief pop following the credit-controls-induced slump in the 1980’s), the stock-adjustment response lifted real consumption growth by 6.1%, on average, for five quarters following business-cycle downturns; spurts of 7-8% growth were not uncommon for a quarter or two.
So, too, is continuing to embrace a response to global warming that has failed for nearly two decades.
But it is actually a savvy response to how the Fourth Industrial Revolution will likely play out in Asia.
For the world’s political leaders, the first response must be to build a world order that is less reliant on US leadership and less vulnerable to the vagaries of American elections.
In response to France’s position, the Swedish government also called for concerted EU action to foster Roma inclusion.
And, while muddling through is a characteristic response of complex political systems, it is deeply destructive.
Her response to the European crisis has prevailed – or at least that is the impression that she conveys, and that most Germans believe.
Given this, any “southern flank strategy” will need to include initiatives to bolster southern countries’ defenses against state actors, such as expanding the Standing NATO Maritime Group 2 in the Mediterranean and accelerating the NATO Response Force’s move toward a more flexible and deterrence-focused posture.
A good economics in our own era would do three things: It would take precautions against 2008-level collapses; it would muster a robust counter-cyclical response to any collapse that does happen; and it would heed popular demands for economic fairness.
In Ukraine, the US and the EU seem to have decided on a sensible course of action – or, rather, on a realistic two-track response – that is unlikely to produce spectacular results, but is certainly preferable to passivity.
Getting into a philosophical argument with him was like playing chess with a grandmaster: he had already thought of every response I could make to his arguments, considered several possible replies, and knew the objections to each reply as well as the best counters to those objections.
If, based on an understanding of the processes and their implications, a majority of a country’s citizens find them to controvert morality, democratic principles would demand a government response.
But the possibility of attack was of course anticipated, and military planners determined that the only possible response was to counterattack as heavily and for as long as might be needed, until Palestinian attacks would stop, whether from exhaustion or agreement.
As for Hezbollah, the Israeli military response is by no means confined to retaliation.
Trump’s Monetary ConundrumNEW YORK – When Donald Trump defeated Hillary Clinton in the United States’ presidential election, the market’s immediate negative response was to be expected.
This was the motivation behind the founding of the German Reichsbank (1875), which was a response to the stock-market and financial collapse of 1873, and the US Federal Reserve System (1914), which was established in the wake of the major financial crisis of 1907.
We can expect further European turmoil – from banks, sovereign debt, and social unrest in response to even modest welfare-state rollbacks – and clashing visions, within and among countries, concerning the desirability of deeper European integration.
But the hysterical response of Americans to the Kremlin’s alleged efforts to influence the US presidential election has forced me to look at things from Putin’s perspective.
The US response to this prospect has been extreme.
With hundreds of dams still likely to become targets for protest, pressure will only intensify for a more significant response.
The European Union’s feeble response to the warfare in Gaza and Lebanon has oscillated between understanding and condemnation of the disproportionate use of force by Israel (described as “ten eyes for one” by the Finnish presidency), thereby betraying its dependence on the US to end the violence.
Worse, given the splintering of rebel forces in the South, where an estimated 80 tribes and clans control their own militias, a military response could generate a power vacuum in Sudan and destabilize the nine countries – many of them fragile or failed states – on its borders.
In the year since last July’s failed coup, the government’s inevitable but overly heavy-handed response has alienated many Turks.
Discussing the US response in Ukraine – after former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych had fled to Russia – Nuland says, “Fuck the EU.”
Now that Putin has made muscle-flexing his main form of diplomacy – not merely in Ukraine and the Baltic states, but also in the Balkans and the North Sea – it has fallen to Germany to shape Europe’s response.
Indeed, growing concerns over piracy led to the launch in 2008 of the EU’s first naval response within the framework of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) – Operation Atalanta.
And yet, while naval deployments do not always end conflicts, they are a vital component of the military response to any crisis, and are critical to guaranteeing Europe’s security.
Because Mr. Armitage and many other American members of the joint committee became high officials in the Bush administration, Japan's politicians regarded a response to this report as vital.
A relative who now lives in Bangkok, but who returned part-time to Yangon in response to overtures from Myanmar’s cash-starved rulers, recalled those days: “We lived through hell.
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