Reserves
in sentence
1741 examples of Reserves in a sentence
Russia is the world’s largest oil and gas exporter, sitting on more than 25% of total proven gas
reserves.
Following the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990’s, emerging economies began to accumulate massive foreign-exchange
reserves
to protect themselves against the risks of external over-indebtedness.
In that sense, although China, with its $3.5 trillion stock of foreign-exchange reserves, may seem to exemplify emerging economies’ tendency to be over-insured against external risks, it actually faces the same credit risks as its counterparts.
Unless emerging-market governments take advantage of the limited space provided by their foreign-exchange
reserves
and floating currencies to enact vital structural reforms, the onus of adjustment will fall on interest rates, compounding the effects of slowing growth and the risks associated with bad debt.
To be sure, with more than $3 trillion in foreign
reserves
and an established – albeit not entirely successful – system to manage its exchange rate, China has enough financial and monetary leverage to bring the US economy to its knees.
By then, such an intervention would have to be large, implying a significant decrease in the country’s official reserves, as happened in 2015 and 2016.
It was only after a massive balance-of-payments crisis in 1991, when India’s government literally had to ship its gold
reserves
to London to serve as collateral for an International Monetary Fund loan, that India liberalized its economy under then-Finance Minister (now Prime Minister) Manmohan Singh.
Clearly, China values the territorial gains – which provide everything from major oil and gas
reserves
to fisheries (accounting for 12% of the global catch) to strategic depth – more than its international reputation.
Moreover, the monetary stabilisation brought about by the country's adoption of a Currency Board is also in danger as hard currency
reserves
are depleted.
But now, by imposing penalties on excess
reserves
left on deposit with central banks, negative interest rates drive stimulus through the supply side of the credit equation – in effect, urging banks to make new loans regardless of the demand for such funds.
Central Asia’s hydrocarbon reserves, and its pivotal location, make it strategically important for many countries.
The good news was that most major emerging countries had built up large foreign-exchange
reserves
and had sufficiently strong economies that they could withstand the shock.
If a significant proportion of investors do so, the capital outflows will dwarf even China’s massive foreign-exchange reserves, which amount to around 30-35% of GDP.
And there are territorial disputes about small islands and potential gas
reserves
near the China-Japan maritime boundary.
Of course, this is hardly a new phenomenon: Europe started trying to build up its energy
reserves
back in the 1960’s.
Thus, Russia is denied access to new credits and has to make its scheduled payments at the expense of its currency reserves, so impeding the financing of internal growth and, as a result, the same cycle of problems is reproduced.
For example, those Central Bank figures who spirited billions of the country's foreign exchange
reserves
out of Russia to a secret account in the British Channel islands remain strangely immune from worry.)
It has paid off its foreign debt and built up foreign currency
reserves
of $450 billion.
The accumulation of
reserves
from the oil and gas industries can be used to develop much-needed infrastructure.
And taxing natural-resource rents at high rates does not cause the adverse consequences that follow from taxing savings or work
(reserves
of iron ore and natural gas cannot move to another country to avoid taxation).
Currently, one of the most important sources is the accounting valuation of foreign-exchange
reserves
on the BCB’s balance sheet.
Brazil has more than $355 billion in
reserves.
I have argued elsewhere that the accumulation of reserves, despite its economic costs, gave Brazil political leverage internationally, by reducing its dependence on multilateral organizations.
Since 2015, foreign-exchange reserves, combined with a complex regulatory environment, are also supporting domestic fiscal policies, with problematic implications for monetary policy and its autonomy.
The BCB transmits to the Treasury the carrying cost of foreign-exchange
reserves
(the difference between their profitability, including changes in exchange rates, and the average funding cost) and the result of the currency swaps carried out in the domestic market (which are settled in local money).
The only institutional answer, formulated recently by Finance Minister Nelson Barbosa, has been to introduce the possibility of central-bank remuneration of bank
reserves.
Although I agree with Barbosa that monetary, not fiscal, instruments would better address this liquidity problem, the manipulation of
reserves
is less effective than securities in this regard, because
reserves
(and term deposits) are usually non-tradable.
The Chinese government sits atop an astonishing level of foreign
reserves
– greater than $2 trillion.
Indeed, such defaults – combined with factors like large current-account or fiscal deficits, overvalued currencies, high public-sector debt, and insufficient foreign-exchange
reserves
– have always triggered financial crises, from the Mexican peso crisis in 1994 to the Russian ruble crisis in 1998 to the American subprime mortgage crisis in 2008.
Investors also need to consider “carbon bubbles,” the overvaluation of fossil-fuel companies based on the assumption that they will be able to continue burning the world’s
reserves
until depletion.
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