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Repression in sentence

587 examples of Repression in a sentence

If nominal interest rates are lower than the real return on investment – associated with GDP growth – the result is financial repression and increased income and wealth inequality.
UMNO’s repression of the opposition has had the unintended consequence that the party gradually had to abandon its secular-nationalist politics and enter an Islamization race with PAS.
In Europe, officials are also turning to stealth taxes, particularly financial repression, to resolve high public-debt overhangs.
In fact, Netanyahu has often allied himself with whichever government or party, including far-right anti-Semites, is willing to support the repression of the occupied Palestinians.
While Lula didn’t repeat his comparison with a football game, neither did he criticize the repression, unlike Sarkozy, who did so strongly.
As a result, many Western policymakers are seeking alternative solutions – many of which can be classified as financial repression.
Financial repression occurs when governments take measures to channel to themselves funds that, in a deregulated market, would go elsewhere.
Meanwhile, Western central banks are using another kind of financial repression by maintaining negative real interest rates (yielding less than the rate of inflation), which enables them to service their debt for free.
Such tactics, in which banks are nudged, not coerced, into investing in government debt, constitute “soft” financial repression.
Such central-bank policies, together with Basel III, mean that financial repression will likely define the economic landscape for at least another decade.
The rehabilitation of the Qaddafi regime has never included any push to ease political repression in Libya.
But the wave of political repression merely reflects President Mikhail Saakashvili’s desperate effort to cling to power.
What needs to be done also has been well known since 20 years ago, when a nonpartisan report by a cross-party group of big-city mayors unanimously agreed on measures to be taken: efficient repression, highly developed social prevention, a permanent local police presence, and a renewed effort at reintegrating delinquents.
It believes only in repression and says so openly.
It does not know whether socialism, or authoritarian repression feel best.
That is no excuse for paranoia and repression, but just because the Party has outlasted predictions of its demise does not mean that it has no Achilles heel.
The Assad regime reacted with a shifting mix of violent repression (shooting at demonstrators) and offers of reform.
And, even if social unrest does erupt, repression might succeed again.
This principle is even more important in Iraq, where the Shia majority faces the constant temptation to punish Sunnis for years of repression under Saddam Hussein.
Given the violent suppression of last September’s mass demonstrations (the “Saffron Revolution”) led by Burma’s Buddhist monks, and the constant repression in the country, it is not surprising that the military junta tries to shroud its despotic tendencies in pseudo-democratic measures such as the sham electoral process of the referendum.
Unfortunately, such repression has been merely reactive and shortsighted, with no clear long-term vision about the nature of Islamic education in the West.
Young Muslims, particularly in the West, are setting an example that is slowly being echoed in the Middle East, despite massive state repression.
And now, the regime’s policies of repression, discrimination, and antagonism directed at the Shia and other politically marginalized groups increasingly threaten the Saudi state with disintegration.
Until the beginning of this year, they have not formed significant or open opposition movements, owing to a historically well-entrenched fear of repression.
For others, like the US, future sacrifices are already required, most likely through a combination of higher inflation, austerity, and “financial repression,” as governments seek to impose on savers negative real rates of return.
Already-large disparities in income and wealth will continue to deepen, amplified by higher inflation and financial repression.
And, if government officials are worried about future conflict, they may have greater incentive to push real interest rates lower through “financial repression,” so that they have sufficient budget space to prepare.
Financial repression makes sense of the experience after wars or on other occasions when government debt piles up.
Indeed, perhaps Ukraine’s Orange Revolution, with those thousands of protesters in Kiev’s Independence Square served as a potent reminder to China’s leaders of the Tiananmen Square protests 15 years ago, and – in contrast to Ukraine – their own strategy of brutal repression.
It is bad enough that no mechanism exists to prevent China’s government from using EU arms for internal repression.
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