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Religious in sentence

2625 examples of Religious in a sentence

It may even be that religious language does not adequately express the repulsion we all feel toward the terrorists’ actions.
For example, Article 11 authorizes the state to “safeguard ethics, public morality, and public order, and foster a high level of education and of religious and patriotic values.”
But capitalism’s (or democracy’s) victory began to look less complete against the backdrop of ethnic and religious strife – and soon sectarian terrorism – that filled some of the vacuum left by the demise of the Soviet Union.
It should come as no surprise that as the Davos consensus has ebbed, a wave of populist nativism – often suffused with racism, religious or ethnic intolerance, misogyny, and gender bias – has rushed in.
As we open ourselves to the wind's of globalization, we must also strengthen the local institutions that foster social ties and identity, such as the family, local and regional communities, religious communities, and the tradition of voluntary worker solidarity - all which have been neglected in recent years.
When India was partitioned following independence in 1947, perhaps as many as a million Muslim and Hindu civilians were murdered on religious grounds.
Specialization, trade, and pricing – not to mention religions and (economically) unproductive religious institutions, mass production, mass media, and big government – are all recent developments.
The secular state and religious groups have cooperated on AIDS prevention – to the extent AIDS affects only about 1% of the population, compared to more than 20% in some African countries.
Furthermore, since 2003 state schools offer religious instruction (using authorized textbooks that are never Wahhabi in spirit), with the informal approval of secular and Sufi teachers alike.
However, the Senegalese pattern of state-religious relations allows the government to provide partial funding to such private religious schools.
But most of the traditional religious teachers in such schools practice Senegalese rituals of respect, and, in any case, view Saudi Arabian-style schools as alien competitors.
Vulnerable groups, such as ethnic and religious minorities and indigenous rural populations struggling to break out of poverty, should receive special attention.
They fuel cross-border organised crime, trafficking in human beings and illicit migration, as well as the drugs trade, religious extremism and terrorism.
That implication is intolerable, and it will progressively weaken and divide the EU through a type of semi-official hostility to religious faith.
It has been roughly 300 years since religious people came to understand that being of a different faith, or being agnostic, did not disqualify one from public office.
If the moral test that I endured stands, it means that Europe has come full circle: agnostics are no longer willing to accept that being religious – and having different moral views – should not bar someone from holding an official post.
I hope that the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice, and Home Affairs will reconsider its behavior, and that the “Buttiglione affair” will remain only an ordinary political injustice against a single individual rather than the harbinger of second-class citizenship for religious believers.
This is a demographic, not a religious, question: an Arab state is where the Arabs are the majority, and the Jewish state is where the Jews are the majority.
The Indonesian genocide – and it deserves to be so described, even if its impulse was ideological rather than ethnic, religious, or national – is an alarming case study in the politics of mass murder.
To be sure, democracy has proved to be an extraordinary instrument for transforming an ancient country – one featuring astonishing ethnic, religious, linguistic, and cultural diversity, myriad social divisions, and deeply entrenched poverty – into a twenty-first-century success story.
The only candidates allowed to run were men with impeccable religious credentials, loyal to a regime whose most important decisions are made by unelected clerics.
The case of Playboy is a much more accurate barometer of the state of religious radicalism in Indonesia.
When Playboy unveiled plans for a nudity-free Indonesian edition early this year, it was denounced by politicians and conservative religious leaders as a threat to traditional values.
The proposed bill attracted support from moderate Muslim leaders, but its most vocal advocates were a collection of radical religious groups with a predilection for violence, led by the Islamic Defenders Front (known by its Indonesian acronym, FPI).
It was a public attack on a respected national and religious leader, and it was answered quickly by the leaders of the two most important Muslim organizations in the country.
In sum, a remarkable shift in the national debate -- from how to make Indonesia more conservatively Islamic, to how to sustain Indonesia’s tradition of religious pluralism into the future – has taken place.
The moderate agenda has gained important ground this month – but the struggle to establish Indonesia’s political and religious identity is far from over.
When civil society -- the press, private business, religious and community groups -- is weak, corruption can go unchecked.
They share a feeling of being dispossessed by foreigners, of losing their sense of national, social, or religious belonging.
As long as Wilders and his European counterparts stay out of government, they have no incentive to temper their illiberal rhetoric and stop stoking up hostility towards ethnic and religious minorities.
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