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Religious in sentence

2625 examples of Religious in a sentence

Thirty years after the Islamic revolution, Iranians are growing demonstrably less religious and more liberal.
The imposition of a monolithic religious discourse on society has made liberal values attractive to Iranians.
Far from opposing absolutist power as an impediment to religious democracy, they tried to persuade the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, of the value of reform.
His populist rhetoric and religious fundamentalism have alienated a large section of conservative-pragmatist clerics and their supporters.
For the Shia religious hierarchy, long accustomed to relegating the advent of the Mahdi to a distant future, Ahmadinejad’s insistent millenarianism is troublesome.
Worldwide broadcasts of the beating and killing of protesters have undermined the regime’s religious credentials.
They welcome it because it gives them the freedom to retain their religious identity and to familiarize others with their beliefs.
Beatrix, like Franz Joseph, refuses to make ethnic or religious distinctions between her subjects.
On the right, the Likud party, which Sharon abandoned to establish Kadima, did very poorly, partly because many conservative voters also deserted it for religious, immigrant, and other parties.
In fact, a wide variety of small political groups, including three Jewish religious parties, Arab parties, and a pensioners’ party won seats.
The dream of peace, the nationalist fervor, and the purported religious redemption that animated Israel’s political combatants for a half-century are gone, replaced by a resigned pragmatism.
If Turkey succeeds, it will show that there is nothing inevitable about the 21st century becoming one of a "Clash of Civilizations," during which the Cold War's divisions are replaced by new religious antagonisms that resemble the Middle Ages.
Against them are arrayed President Bashar al-Assad and his cronies, Shia militant groups fighting to protect their lifelines to Iran, religious minorities concerned about life after Assad, and, most ominously, Iran and its Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah.
The treaties signed in 1648 concluded nearly a century of religious warfare by enshrining the principle of cuius regio, eius religio (“whose realm, his religion”).
Of course, the ambition today cannot be to recreate that world (or to reestablish an anachronistic Westphalian order of religious separation), but rather to devise a new order predicated on different assumptions.
In the face of this turmoil, Herzl and his supporters argued that neither religious tolerance nor social justice could serve as a lasting solution for the “Jewish problem.”
More study is needed to corroborate the findings; the drug had no measurable impact on religious, sexual, or other forms of prejudice.
We streamlined civil-military relations, guaranteed social and cultural rights, and attended to the problems of ethnic and religious minorities.
Violently torn by religious and ethnic rivalries, Iraq is in no condition to play its part in America’s vision of an Arab wall of containment of Iran.
Some see in the Pope the person responsible for a religious revival; others see a man of peace.
Totalitarian pressure did, indeed, form exceptional people such as John Paul II and Alexander Solzhenitsyn, people for whom religious faith bought freedom from mendacity and solitude.
Music-induced ecstasy is not the same as speaking in tongues in a religious frenzy.
Instead, Bhutto had to pay with her life for courageously challenging extremists of all stripes – from Al-Qaeda and Taliban to the country’s religious political parties and military hardliners.
Pakistan had changed, as military dictatorship and religious extremism in the north played havoc with the fabric of society.
Indeed, she even persuaded other important political leaders to participate in the planned January 8 election, which she viewed as an opportunity to challenge religious extremist forces in the public square.
One can understand why religious extremists like Al-Qaeda and Taliban would target her, and the government claims that it is impossible to defend against a suicide attack.
Ethnic cleansing perpetuated by the Islamic State has reversed centuries of religious, ethnic, and cultural intermingling, and pushed close to two million people from their homes.
Indeed, throughout the region, warring parties are relying on sectarian identity politics to mobilize support, further polarizing populations along religious, ethnic, and ideological lines.
Violence must give way to security for inhabitants; lawlessness and political exclusion must give way to the rule of law and participatory government; ethnic, religious, or class/caste polarization must give way to national reconciliation; and ruined war economies must be transformed into functioning market economies that enable ordinary people to support themselves.
To improve matters, we need to increase dialogue and communication among journalists and those they write about: politicians, civil servants, business people, and religious leaders – in short, the voices of civil society.
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