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Religious in sentence

2625 examples of Religious in a sentence

For example, some demand that the security services should enforce religious values.
Religious groups are ready to contribute to this process.
At the same time, however, problems like corruption, inequality, environmental degradation, official corruption, and repression of political dissent and religious expression have worsened.
Since then, through successive wars and revolutions, one truth has remained paramount: The Ottoman mosaic provided no clear dividing lines that would permit a smooth reordering of the region into states or entities with homogenous ethnic, national, or religious identities.
They will often do so with the zeal of religious believers who feel that their God has been offended.
Putin also manages a highly effective propaganda machine, which churns out a post-modernist pastiche of old Soviet slogans, pre-revolutionary religious rituals, and state-of-the-art marketing ploys inspired by the “consumerist” West.
Starting in the early 1970’s, religious Israeli settlers and hard-line Israeli nationalists pushed Israel into a disastrous policy of creating and expanding settlements on Arab lands in the West Bank, in violation of common sense and international diplomacy.
For the past ten years, the greatest practical barrier to peace has been Israel’s failure to carry out any true withdrawal to its 1967 borders, owing to the political weight of hundreds of thousands of settlers in the West Bank and the religious and secular communities that support them.
The future of the Arab Middle East will be decided in the fight between Syria’s Sunni insurgents, supported throughout the region by the Saudi Wahhabis – the patrons of religious fundamentalism – and its secular Baath regime; between the fundamentalist Hamas and the secular PLO in Palestine; and between Egypt’s young secular opposition, forged in the protests of Tahrir Square, and the Muslim Brotherhood and radical Salafists.
Tunisia, where the Arab Spring began, is now caught between secularists and religious fundamentalists.
More important, the current situation reflects a lack of wisdom, responsibility, and basic decency on the part of political and religious leaders, who prefer to fuel, rather than dampen, inter-communal strife.
And if political and religious leaders are unable or unwilling to seek accommodation, it will be up to like-minded individuals, groups, and civil-society institutions to rebuild mutual respect and find ways to cooperate.
It also reminds us that food forms an integral part of our cultural, religious, or regional identities, because what we eat and how we produce our foods are deeply rooted in our histories and traditions.
India’s nationalist leaders would have been forgiven for arguing that they needed dictatorial authority to cope with such immense problems, especially in the most diverse society on earth, riddled with religious, linguistic, and caste divisions.
Given that Islamic fundamentalism breeds in economic despair, Libya’s rulers seem to want to take particular care that this process does not create an underclass of victims who might fall prey to the call of religious fanatics.
Abdurrahman Wahid, the former chair of NU, for decades advocated respect for religious pluralism, and was pivotal in mobilizing democratic opposition to the authoritarian leader Suharto.
So, too, does the idea that accommodating religious differences is dangerous.
The results suggest that religious and national identities are complementary, not competing, concepts.
Muslims living in Paris, London, and Berlin are more religious than the general public, but they are just as likely as anyone else to identify with their nation and its democratic institutions, and just as likely to reject violence.
Its leaders and acolytes want to teach schoolchildren that evolutionary theory is just another hypothesis about the origin of life, equivalent to religious propositions.
Evangelicals were brought in on the basis of so-called “family values,” meaning opposition to abortion and gay marriage, and promises of active government support for religious activities, including direct payments to religious groups for social services that they provide locally and internationally.
Indeed, they have become victims of stereotypes because of their religious and cultural traditions.
The proper economic policy was to teach people to venerate the throne (so that they would respect property), the paternal hearth (so that they would not marry imprudently young), and the religious altar (so that they would fear pre-marital sex).
Similarly, the Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen speaks of our “multiple identities” – ethnic, religious, national, local, professional, and political – many of which cross national boundaries.
From the fatwa on Salman Rushdie for The Satanic Verses to the killing of a nun in Somalia in response to Pope Benedict’s Regensburg lecture and the Berlin Opera’s cancellation of a performance of Mozart’s Idomeneo , with its severed heads of religious founders, including Muhammad, we have seen violence and intimidation used to defend a particular religion’s taboos.
Other loyalties are based on other kindred identities – not just religious or ethnic, but based on shared commercial, political, or other interests.
Apocryphal or not, the story gives us some idea of the cultural confusion that this midwinter religious feast can cause.
Intolerance grows, and not just in societies run by jihadists and religious fanatics.
The most extreme example of such intolerance today – which much of the world is now fighting – is the religious totalitarianism of ISIS.
Morocco’s Veiled FeministsIt is often assumed that modern feminism has no place, and thus can make little headway, in societies undergoing a religious revival, particularly in the Islamic world.
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