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Regulatory in sentence

1413 examples of Regulatory in a sentence

Campaign contributions and lobbying that lead to rapid privatizations of utilities – before appropriate regulatory frameworks are in place, and in a manner that produces only a few bidders – can impede development, even without direct kickbacks to government officials.
To be sure, easing regulatory burdens is a longstanding leitmotif of the EU.
But there remain significant barriers to adoption – barriers that governments should dismantle through a combination of incentives, regulatory reform, and institutional upgrading.
In one of the great ironies of modern American politics, the post-crisis Dodd-Frank financial reforms of 2010 actually gave more power to the Fed, mostly because other US regulatory agencies were regarded as having done a worse job.
Many financial-market players are grateful for the regulatory laxity that allowed them to reap enormous profits before the crisis, and for the generous bailouts that helped them to recapitalize – and often to walk off with mega-bonuses – even as they brought the global economy to near-ruin.
Under this heading are items like regulatory reform, anti-corruption measures, and public-sector investment, especially in education and research.
In many cases, the economy’s bottlenecks are not regulatory in nature, but stem from entrenched ways of doing business.
This creates the potential for a race to the bottom, with employers competing on labor costs through regulatory arbitrage.
Consequently Brussels is no government to be, but a regulatory authority – and this often to the benefit of European consumers.
The G-20’s decisions have become increasingly informal, while rule-making authority has been outsourced to private regulatory bodies, such as the Basel Committee and the International Accounting Standards Board.
Much has already been done to advance regulatory reform, notably the recent agreement to strengthen bank capital (Basel III).
The debate now is how, exactly, to factor this imperative into monetary policy, and how to coordinate the work of monetary and regulatory authorities.
Such a modern regulatory structure will foster Spain’s international role by keeping Spanish multinationals on their toes.
Moreover, significant sector-specific reforms are needed even in some Central European and Baltic countries, particularly in sustainable energy and energy efficiency, transport, and the financial sector, where regulatory and supervisory regimes require strengthening, financing of small and medium-sized firms needs to be improved, and local capital markets must be developed.
Because Congress determines the Fed’s regulatory powers and approves the appointments of its seven governors, Bernanke will have to listen to it carefully – heightening the risk of delayed tightening and rising inflation.
Second, there has been a burgeoning awareness among governments that economic growth requires a proactive regulatory approach.
For example, we should reevaluate the current system for deciding trade agreements, which have become more about regulatory and investment issues than about eliminating import tariffs or other import barriers.
Instead of trying to build non-partisan and competent regulatory institutions, all positions were stacked with political followers.
Such a vision presupposes an assurance that a winner-take-all system will not be established, as well as broad agreement that regulatory institutions should be reasonably non-partisan and staffed with competent professionals.
They also need regulatory agencies in sectors such as telecommunications and energy that can pursue policies in accordance with broad goals established by the political process, but with appointees selected according to nonpartisan criteria who then exercise their authority in a way that fosters competition open to all.
Why do some societies achieve the compromises needed to sustain an independent judiciary and a modern regulatory framework – both necessary for an efficient modern economy – while others perpetuate a partisan, winner-take-all approach to governance that weakens public policy and erodes private-sector confidence?
But it must be underpinned by a regulatory and policy framework that encourages risk-taking and innovation.
From their rhetoric and regulatory policies, it would appear that most governments have ended up in the third, fence-sitting camp.
There are three explanations for the ECB’s position, none of which speaks well for the institution and its regulatory and supervisory conduct.
And it has deployed a variety of methods – including weak intellectual property (IP) protections, technology transfers as a condition for joint ventures with Chinese partners, evasion of export controls, and regulatory harassment – to acquire such technologies from the US and other trading partners.
The steps that need to be taken internationally for such a system to take root have already been mapped in what was achieved by individual countries over recent decades, when institutions, such as central banks and regulatory agencies, were created to help manage the rapid growth of private banks and financial markets.
And, given the deep disparities in nuclear power’s importance for European economies, consensus on regulatory harmonization is hard to reach.
There are several reasons for this regulatory failure, including the inability to acquire and process all relevant data, the political difficulty of enforcing strict judgments, and the difficulty of modeling tail risks.
The National Strategic Economic Growth Areas will insert the probe of reform down into our regulatory system, which has hardened into bedrock.
This shift is ominous, because it frees regulatory bodies to require any amount and kind of testing that they wish.
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