Regional
in sentence
3925 examples of Regional in a sentence
Iran does deserve to be classified as a
regional
and, perhaps, a global promoter of instability; its support for the fundamentalist Islamic terrorism of Hizbollah in Lebanon is, indeed, aimed at further undermining the diminishing chances for an Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation.
Israel’s immediate neighbors and other
regional
powers should make settling the status of Jerusalem a priority, before security in the city deteriorates further.
More important, although the AKP may be more willing than other Turkish parties to accommodate Kurdish concerns, it is unlikely to accept demands for devolution of powers to
regional
governments or any other decentralization program that strengthens the territorial autonomy of Kurdish areas.
But it is also essential, because China’s new leadership seems determined to come to grips with a vast array of internal imbalances that threaten the environment, promote destabilizing income inequality, and exacerbate
regional
disparities.
If Russia has created a linkage between Eastern Europe and the Middle East, America’s allies in the region expect their superpower friend to make it work in their favor, not to allow it to undermine further an already-delicate
regional
security balance.
For example, when eastern Libyans recently announced the formation of an interim
regional
council as a first step toward declaring a federalist state, Abdel-Jalil alleged “the beginning of a conspiracy against Libya” in the brewing crisis between the country’s provinces.
Education would continue to stagnate, and Arab societies, which are divided across sectarian, tribal, and
regional
lines, would experience rising levels of retribution and violence.
Creating
regional
development banks and building a Mediterranean express railway from Alexandria to Rabat would serve this goal.
Israel conducted the recent showdown with Hamas in a
regional
context that has changed dramatically since its last incursion into Gaza, “Operation Cast Lead” in 2008.
The rise of Islamist regimes throughout the Arab world, and the subsequent shift of
regional
alliances, has increased the Jewish state’s isolation.
Major
regional
powers like Egypt, Turkey, and Qatar now support an emboldened Hamas, whose paramount objectives are now to consolidate its increased international legitimacy and sideline the West Bank-based Palestinian Authority (PA).
Moreover, Israel should use Egypt’s vital role in brokering the recent cease-fire as an opportunity to expand the bilateral dialogue with the new Islamist regime in Cairo to include issues of peace and
regional
security.
The emergence of seven new – and often mutually antagonistic – states made it clear that
regional
stability would depend on a new framework, namely, the EU.
The most recent decision of the
regional
tribunal, in mid-December, overturned a 1979 Brazilian amnesty law protecting military officials from prosecution for abuses committed during the country’s 21-year military dictatorship.
In these cases, victims, activist lawyers, and advocacy organizations turned to the
regional
human-rights court after exhausting their options at home.
The EU needs a comprehensive
regional
approach, focusing on the remaining steps that would lead each country towards membership.
Much work has already been done to re-establish and improve
regional
relations.
The EU-led Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe has since 1999 successfully stimulated
regional
cross-border cooperation, for the first time since the breakdown of Yugoslavia.
The Stability Pact has now been transferred to local control, re-emerging as the Sarajevo-based
Regional
Cooperation Council, ready to develop
regional
and multilateral standards for its members.
The recently revived Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) is meant to be the main
regional
engine for trade and business generally, and will adhere both to WTO rules and the parties’ obligations towards the EU.
Similarly, the South-East European Cooperation Process is one of the relatively new
regional
organizations that contribute to candidate and potential candidate countries’ preparations for EU membership, providing the first genuine region-wide policy forum where both EU members and candidates participate.
In France and Spain there are small but effective (and sometimes violent)
regional
movements.
We should deploy our aid, diplomacy, and peace-keeping capacity to support sustainable development, good governance, and
regional
collaboration on the continent.
We would be rejecting a country that is an important
regional
power, a significant NATO member, and a crucial energy hub.
Furthermore, Slovakia, unlike most of its
regional
peers, has fulfilled its legal obligation to join the eurozone – an obligation that an independent Scotland would have to take on when, as expected, it sought EU membership.
Now, in Syria’s carnage, Turkey is facing a critical test of its
regional
and global aspirations.
Likewise, Brazil’s decision to send troops into Haiti in 2004 as part of a UN Stabilization Force burnished the country’s image as a responsible
regional
power.
Spain needs to exercise greater control over its
regional
governments’ budgets, while Italy needs to shrink the size of its public sector.
But the intractable
regional
crises in the world today are land mines for the leader of the one superpower, especially when his own public is turning inward.
Other benefits of shale energy for US foreign policy include the diminishing ability of countries like Venezuela to use oil to purchase votes at the United Nations and in
regional
organizations of small Caribbean states, and Russia’s reduced ability to coerce its neighbors by threatening to cut off gas supplies.
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