Regional
in sentence
3925 examples of Regional in a sentence
China’s new, less antagonistic approach does not reflect a change of heart or objectives on the part of its leaders, but rather a change in the
regional
geopolitical landscape.
China’s new tactics also include more frequent high-level diplomatic engagement, focused on leading
regional
players, such as South Korea, Indonesia, and Vietnam, in addition to Japan.
At this point, an end to current hostilities in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen requires national, regional, and international consensus.
The scale of the challenges requires courageous thinking, bold initiatives, and ingenuity by national and
regional
political and development leaders.
The “constructive” part of Rudd’s thesis argues for systematic collaboration – with the US treating China more as an equal – in tackling a series of other difficult issues at bilateral, regional, and global levels.
On a
regional
level, Rudd argues, the US and China could work on joint strategies to denuclearize and, ultimately, reunify the Korean Peninsula; tackle the lingering sore of Japan’s war history; harmonize
regional
trade agreements; and transform the East Asia Summit into a more complete Asia-Pacific Community.
During the last 20 years, the world has witnessed dramatic proliferation of
regional
and bilateral preferential trade agreements.
Brazil coordinates closely on defense matters with its neighbors, both bilaterally and through Unasur’s South American Defense Council, which aims to promote confidence-building, transparency, a joint
regional
defense industry, and, most important, a common defense identity.
Sharper
regional
disparities in the availability and cost of capital could emerge, particularly for smaller businesses and consumers, constraining investment and growth in some countries.
Today, some 1.5 million displaced people live in the country, and that number is only likely to increase as
regional
conflicts intensify.
Without knowing what specific
regional
arrangements would follow Brexit, the pro-EU camp cannot make a decisive economic and financial case for remaining.
It can also be done multilaterally, by raising the infrastructure investment flows from the World Bank and the
regional
development banks (including the Inter-American Development Bank, European Investment Bank, African Development Bank, and Asian Development Bank).
Its transformative power springs from the promise of potential membership, a “neighborhood policy” that exports European values, and its facilitation of global institution-building and copycat
regional
integration.
The consequences extended beyond economics and finance, straining
regional
political arrangements, amplifying national political dysfunction, and fueling the rise of anti-establishment parties and movements.
But with a concerted effort from all relevant parties – especially the media, civil society, and human-rights activists – plus the support of
regional
and international actors, it is possible.
But the Vietnamese or Chinese roads are unacceptable in Latin America, which has made huge progress in transforming advances in democracy and respect for human rights into a
regional
legal order that goes beyond national sovereignty or the sacrosanct principle of non-intervention.
The key
regional
obstacle to recognition is Saudi Arabia, which not only objects to the secular, democratic model promoted by Somaliland, but is a strong ally of Somalia, which is a member of the Arab League (despite not being Arab) and the Organization of the Islamic Conference.
Vital issues are at stake: the scramble for oil;China’s robust presence in Sudan; the West’s desire to see a mostly Christian state break the contiguity of Muslim regimes – and the consequent threat of Islamic radicalism – in the region; the
regional
distribution of the Nile’s waters; and the possibility that independence for the South might lead to Sudan’s total dismemberment along ethnic and religious lines.
Conspicuously, Bashir’s regime has been disqualified in the eyes of its neighbors in Africa and the Arab world to a degree that makes the South’s secession a more acceptable option to the main
regional
stakeholders than ever before.
They would have virtually all of the
regional
stakeholders on their side as well.
One, between Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and rebel groups like the Free Syrian Army, can be resolved only through a diplomatic solution – precisely the kind of solution that the peace talks in Vienna, involving a wide range of world powers and
regional
actors, are aiming to reach.
No country can take a pass on the war against the Islamic State, especially a wealthy
regional
power whose own traditions have helped to inspire the radicalism that drives it.
In a world of globalization, many people belong to a number of imagined communities – local, regional, national, cosmopolitan – that are overlapping circles sustained by the Internet and inexpensive travel.
The increasingly close relationship between China and the Maldives represents a significant shift from the past, when India was the country’s primary
regional
partner.
Not only had Nasheed awarded China its first infrastructure contracts; just three months before his ouster, he had inaugurated the new Chinese embassy in the capital, Malé, on the same day that India’s then-prime minister, Manmohan Singh, arrived for a
regional
summit.
Related to this is the fact that nowadays economic development depends less on a particular country and more on
regional
integration, which can serve to avoid the negative effects of those financial speculations boosted by globalization.
But in agreeing to open
regional
economies to imports, poor and developing countries must be allowed some means to protect their new industries.
They never did, but we are now seeing a globalization of solidarity, of support for cooperative
regional
patterns and the need to rethink international agencies, and the impracticality of isolation.
There and elsewhere, the US, motivated by the larger geopolitical goal of containing Shia Iran and its
regional
allies, has embraced Sunni rulers steeped in religious and political bigotry, even though they pose a transnational threat to the values of freedom and secularism.
In this sense, Germany’s recent
regional
elections should serve as a warning.
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