Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
The US certainly wants allies and partners to help it stare down any overreach by China in East Asia, and Anglophone Australia, Singapore, New Zealand, and especially India are part of its thinking as it implements its “pivot” to the
region.
Australia, for its part, sees its security future as wholly bound up in the Indo-Pacific
region.
Indeed, the
region
has some of the world’s youngest populations, with the average age often below 30.
But if Iran is truly to rejoin the international community, it must play a constructive role in its
region.
Finally, Egypt – a perennial candidate for a permanent or rotating African seat in a reformed Security Council – has important relationships throughout the region, particularly with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries that are directly supporting some Syrian opposition groups.
If the fate of Kosovo – and the entire Balkan
region
– is to be guided by the global rule of law, these questions need to be answered, not swept under the table.
In the US, the main future challenge probably will be the impact of trade, rather than migration, because the era of large-scale influxes from Latin America may soon come to an end, as declining fertility rates stabilize populations throughout the
region.
He has said that he will make America energy independent, which entails abandoning US interests in the
region
and becoming more reliant on domestically produced greenhouse-gas-emitting fossil fuels.
Thus, an American withdrawal from the
region
could very well eventually precipitate a military conflict there.
Unlike Europe, which largely put its historical ghosts to bed after 1945, Asian countries remain mired in nineteenth-century-style nationalisms that weakens collaboration and makes the
region
more dangerous than it needs to be.
Japan has shown leadership in all these areas, but few others in the
region
have demonstrated a similar sense of global responsibility.
Although states in the Asia-Pacific
region
have come a long way in this regard, regional structures are nowhere near as strong as Euro-Atlantic structures.
In addition to the massive earthquakes that struck Haiti and Chile, the
region
has also been shaken by a hunger-strike death in Cuba and a growing crackdown on human rights and opposition in Venezuela.
Making matters worse, the
region
also witnessed a superficially silly but actually dangerous attempt by the ALBA countries – Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Paraguay – to create, with the acquiescence of Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina, a regional organization excluding the United States and Canada.
Venezuela ’s circle of friends in the
region
is shrinking.
Indeed, it is far removed even from the rest of the Arab world – which has become glaringly obvious in the context of massive social upheaval almost everywhere else in the
region.
For the US, China’s growing power actually helps to validate its forward military deployments in Asia, maintain existing allies in the region, and win new strategic partners.
Sri Lanka’s Buddhist traditions and historic links with Burma, Thailand, Cambodia and Laos makes it easy for it to be a future member of ASEAN, which Sri Lanka should try to join as a means of anchoring its economy in the wider
region.
Remaining in step with each other on security issues is essential if Japan and the US are to maintain a firm alliance to ensure the stability of the Asia-Pacific
region.
If Saudi Arabia succeeds in transforming its economy, including reforming institutions and restructuring economic incentives, other countries that face similar challenges, in the
region
and beyond, will be inspired to follow suit.
How they are managed in the year ahead will determine not only Pakistan’s immediate future and long-term prospects, but also the security of its
region
and, indeed, much of the world.
The
region
covered by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development – Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, Russia, the Caucasus and Central Asia – has been hit particularly hard by the financial and economic crisis that began in 2008.
As the real economy adjusts to changed circumstances and much weaker domestic and global demand, we at the EBRD expect an increase in non-performing loans in our
region.
In addition, some governments in the
region
are under the double pressure of having to reduce their budget deficits and pay back debt; precious little will be left for expenditure that could stimulate economic activity, such as investments in infrastructure or energy efficiency.
Thanks to a coordinated effort by all major players under the Vienna Initiative, these banks’ large-scale withdrawal – with potentially far-reaching consequences for the
region
– was averted in 2009.
Many local currencies in the EBRD
region
(such as the Hungarian forint, the Ukrainian hryvnia, and the Russian ruble) have suffered severe depreciation since in the last quarter of 2008.
One element that central banks and regulators frequently mention is a new regulatory regime: the crisis revealed that institutional and regulatory frameworks in the EBRD
region
need to be reformed to introduce macro-prudential standards more systematically and effectively.
These could include higher capital or provisioning requirements as buffers for more difficult times, or the stipulation of liquidity standards and special requirements for systemically important banks in order to avoid a recurrence of the “too big to fail” dilemma that many countries – not only in the EBRD
region
– have been facing.
In a
region
where threats to democracy and human rights are growing, linking trade and economic policy to these considerations is not a bad idea.
America's military presence in the
region
could be reduced, but it could be beefed up again if Iraq balks.
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