Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
The Iraqi refugees are a crisis that cannot be ignored: the international community must alleviate the burden on the countries in the region, while offering resettlement opportunities to many more of the most vulnerable Iraqis.
US officials have reason to believe that, over time, they will be able to worry less about the
region
and its problems.
The US, eager to boost its economy’s longer-term prospects by engaging new trade partners in the world’s fastest-growing region, is shifting resources to Asia – though US (and European) policymakers would be wise to move forward with a transatlantic free-trade agreement as well.
There is a growing risk that the new Chinese leadership will interpret a heavier US presence in the
region
as an attempt to contain China’s rise and stunt its growth.
We have already seen a series of worrisome confrontations in the region, pitting China against Vietnam and the Philippines in the South China Sea, and against Japan in the East China Sea.
These structural elements have been reinforced by developments in the region, which have reinforced the sense among Israeli voters that they are threatened by numerous enemies: Iran and its nuclear ambitions;Hezbollah and Hamas and their missiles; the rise of ISIS amid state failure in Iraq, Syria, and elsewhere.
Of course, Syria is Iran’s ally, too, but no country in the
region
has the leverage with it that Turkey possesses.
And Turkey’s diplomatic reach in the
region
is also reflected in its recent signing of a friendship treaty with Saudi Arabia, while maintaining excellent relations with Pakistan and Iraq.
By contrast, Israeli or American military action against Iran would risk worsening the situation, prolonging and intensifying the suffering in this very sensitive
region
of the world.
Our overall strategy is clear: to build a strong, stable network of democracies in the region, a network that – we hope – will now include Serbia.
We have spent nearly 8bn euros in reconstruction and humanitarian assistance in the
region
since 1991;EU financial assistance to the
region
during those years amounts to 17bn euros.
When Serbia’s new leaders look around, indeed, they can see real progress in the region: in Croatia, which has blazed a democratic trail since elections earlier this year; in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, which has nearly concluded negotiations with the EU for a Stabilization and Association Agreement, the first country to do so; in Albania, which is persevering with political and economic reforms; and in Bosnia, where refugee return has accelerated.
To succeed, these efforts must be matched with equal determination by the countries of the
region
in delivering on reform.
That process will bring – is already starting to bring – substantial benefits to the
region
in terms of trade access, political dialogue, and regional co-operation.
Indeed, we recently agreed radical proposals to expand trade access – through asymmetric trade measures – to the EU market for the countries of the
region.
The changes in Serbia provide evidence that the people of Serbia, too, have noticed what is happening in the rest of their
region
and no longer want to miss out.
Topping the list will be the Middle East, a
region
in an advanced stage of unraveling.
The plight of millions of refugees constitutes not just a humanitarian tragedy, but also an economic and strategic burden to countries in the
region
and in Europe.
Against the background of an equivocal United States policy, Russia’s calculated intervention in the Syrian civil war is a rare case in which a limited use of power in the
region
resulted in a major diplomatic shakeup.
Cynically dismissive of both his European allies and his security advisers, including former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who supported military intervention in Syria, Obama minces no words in his fatalistic depiction of the troubled
region.
Assad’s Alawites could control territory in the West, running from Latakia in the north to Damascus in the south, and an autonomous Syrian-Kurdish
region
could be established in the northeast, with the rest of the country being left to the Sunni opposition.
Each
region
can end up with room for maneuver and some space to find its own path.
Yet a multipolar world also carries great risks, notably that major global challenges will go unmet, because no single country or
region
is able or willing to coordinate a global response, or even to participate in one.
Although businesses are competitive by nature, true entrepreneurs also instinctively collaborate in building new markets: a manufacturer in one country or
region
seeks marketers, financiers and distributors in other countries and regions.
We believe that progress in the peace process and in finding solutions for water issues between Israel and Palestine would also help to unblock progress in the broader region, between the parties on the Jordan, the Orontes, the Tigris, and the Euphrates rivers.
People in Palestine and in Israel need it; people in the
region
need it.
But the region’s ability to meet the many challenges that it faces has been complicated by national, regional, and international disagreements about what form change – both across the
region
and in individual societies – should take.
The international community undoubtedly has a central role to play in supporting social and economic reform in the region, and in assisting governments to find both the will and the way to undertake the necessary changes.
Even though the
region
was already being transformed by demographic changes, including rapid population growth, urbanization, and a spike in unemployed, university-educated young adults, the eruption of protests took many Middle Eastern and North African countries by surprise.
But the greatest reasons for disruption have been rooted in the inability of Arab governments and societies to manage effectively the changes sweeping the region, and their excessive dependence on foreign countries to ensure their security.
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