Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
And the post-1989 “peace dividend,” which has helped create fiscal space, is evaporating, as countries in the
region
and beyond perceive a need to increase defense expenditures.
But, given China’s growing military might and the strategic importance of the Asia-Pacific region, the US will have no choice but to pivot to the East.
In fact, despite all of Trump’s complaints about America’s oversized contribution to NATO, the US already directs the bulk of its military spending to the Asia-Pacific
region.
Migration, security, energy, labor and the other issues that make up the North American agenda must be discussed, managed and implemented in trilateral bodies with the expertise necessary to identify, harmonize and eventually converge policy-making for the
region.
One reason why this
region
is becoming a major drug trafficking hub is its location.
Many countries in the
region
cannot control their own territory, cannot administer justice, and are plagued by corruption.
Nor is Guinea Bissau the only country in the
region
vulnerable to serious organized crime.
Convoys of heavily armed four-wheel-drive vehicles travel at high speed across the Sahel
region
of Western Africa, bringing hasish from Morocco via Mauritania, Mali, and Niger to Chad and beyond.
The financial crisis gripping that
region
is just one year old and likely to get older.
So if Villalobos and Dieterich are right about the FARC’s imminent collapse, it would be a veritable milestone for the region, and a vindication of a strategy – Uribe’s – of which many of us were wary.
The influence of the United States in the
region
is declining, even as Russia becomes more revanchist.
Russia clearly has an interest in discouraging Western Balkan countries from pursuing NATO and EU membership, which is all the more reason for the EU to step up its engagement in the
region.
To that end, EU Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, in his “State of the Union” address last September, called for a “credible enlargement perspective” for the
region.
As for the
region
itself, political elites will need to be motivated to pursue necessary reforms, rather than putting their own economic interests first.
Beyond these fundamental imperatives, the
region
will also need massive investments in transportation and communications infrastructure, to connect it to the rest of Europe, rather than to China and Russia, as has been the trend in recent years.
And, as a region, East Asia will now get more of the roughly $8 trillion that the Asian Development Bank has estimated that the
region
will need to keep growing through 2020.
The fighting has heightened instability in the region;US and European citizens are streaming into Syria to take up jihad; and there is a growing consensus that the post-World War I Middle East boundaries are coming undone.
But, given that Asian leaders view Russia as little more than a natural-resource milk cow, it is far from clear that the investment will pay off, particularly given the absence of a comprehensive economic-development plan for the
region.
For example, the US armed the mujahedeen who fought the Soviets in neighboring Afghanistan in the 1980s, but then all but abandoned the
region
soon after the Soviet military exit in 1989.
And yet there is considerable reason to hope not only for formal handshakes and bilateral meetings among Northeast Asia’s “Big Three” leaders, but also for substantive discussions aimed at lowering tensions in the
region.
This is the agony of democracy, and it is why the next year may prove to be the most unstable, and even dangerous, period in decades for the Korean peninsula and the
region.
The United States’ “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific
region
was required not only because of the security threats posed by the rise of China, but also as a consequence of America’s long and costly obsession with the Middle East.
For starters, in a
region
replete with territorial disputes and old rivalries that are as bitter as the Arab-Israeli conflict, America faces a geopolitical environment with no security architecture and no agreed conflict-resolution mechanism.
This method is not specific to a particular
region
or people.
The New-Model NomadMOGADISHU – One of my earliest childhood memories is of swimming in a small gully near my grandmother’s home in Yaaq Bari Wayne, a dusty collection of tin-roofed adobe buildings huddled together in the plains of southern Somalia’s Bay
region.
The countries of the
region
spend more on debt service than on health.
Add to it a desire to create a democracy from scratch in a
region
characterized by authoritarian government and that task becomes almost impossible.
As a measure of economic maturity, the report confirms what many in the international development community have long known: the
region
is ascendant.
But while it is tempting to assume that the
region
is destined for prosperity, structural bottlenecks continue to slow progress, especially in the Western Balkans, the southern Caucasus, and parts of Central Asia.
Similarly, while public financing of pensions and welfare programs is dependent on taxing labor, much of the
region
currently suffers from high rates of unemployment; in the Western Balkans, there are nearly no jobs, or none at all.
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