Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
Unfortunately, Israeli leaders are unable to summon the statesmanship required to manage the strategic readjustment occurring in the
region.
Hamas is ready to expose Gaza’s civilians to Israel’s devastating retaliations as long as this serves to mobilize the
region
against the Zionist aggressors and to mock PA President Mahmoud Abbas’s illusions of a diplomatic solution.
At a recent summit, they emphasized the need for increased EU engagement to maintain stability – and to push back against Russian influence – in the
region.
When the Balkans’ immediate problems had subsided, EU leaders assumed that they had secured peace for the
region.
With the light that had been guiding reform and integration efforts now extinguished, nationalism in the
region
predictably started to rise again.
Last year, when I returned to Bosnia in an unofficial capacity, someone asked me if war was coming back to the
region.
Today, the
region
is gradually becoming more combustible, and another spark could be lit, perhaps this time in Skopje.
To address the emerging risks in the Balkans, the EU should demonstrate that it has the will and means to act, by deploying EU Battle Groups to conduct military exercises in the
region.
At the same time, the EU needs to step up its political engagement in the
region.
The Court has required that amnesties granted to political and military leaders in Argentina and other countries in the
region
as part of a transition to democracy be set aside.
Unless the European Union acts quickly, the whole
region
could slide backwards, with dire social, economic, and security consequences.
Economic developments in the
region
are promising, with almost all its economies posting high growth, fueled by increasing industrial output and exports.
It is in Europe’s interest as much as it is in the interest of the
region
to accelerate the integration process.
In the three months since the program’s launch, the best-performing pilot
region
has already managed to reduce the rate of long-term unemployment among older people by an astonishing 43%.
The unexpected Crimea crisis, anxiety about Russia’s intentions in the region, and Western sanctions have further unnerved already skittish investors.
But where the problem affects much else, and where the
region
is close to home, we should have a policy that consists of more than waiting to agree with whatever America decides that its policy should be, as, for example, in the Middle East.
So what can we do to nudge things forward in a
region
where America is again engaged but not respected, and where Europe is neither?
The geopolitical implications of these land reclamation efforts are well documented: The majority of the activity has taken place on the Spratly Islands, an archipelago in the waters between Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines, all of which – along with China, Taiwan, and Brunei – have competing claims to the
region.
Thousands of coral reefs, seagrass beds, and other shallow-water ecosystems are rapidly being destroyed and buried as China’s leaders rush to stake their claim to the
region.
Moreover, China’s bellicose stance, together with the undefined ownership of the
region
and its fish stocks, has led to destructive overfishing, degrading the marine ecosystem and threatening endangered species, including sea turtles, sharks, and giant clams.
All countries in the
region
have the responsibility to monitor and preserve the marine environment and manage its resources.
Indeed, one sign of Indonesia’s rising influence is that its army – which had terrorized and massacred East Timorese – could be called upon today in the service of human rights in its
region.
This debut Sub-Saharan issue, which was four times oversubscribed, sparked a sovereign borrowing spree in the
region.
Besides, the US has many interests other than oil in the region, including nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, protection of Israel, human rights, and counterterrorism.
As a semi-autonomous region, Iraqi Kurdistan operates under a multi-party system the likes of which one will not find in neighboring Arab countries, let alone in Iran or Turkey, which is increasingly turning toward authoritarianism.
We became involved with this issue for a compelling reason: the violence and corruption associated with drug trafficking represents a major threat to democracy in our
region.
Nothing reveals the decline of the United States in the
region
better than the contrast between America’s sober use of power in the first Gulf War in 1991 and the hubris and deceit of today’s Iraq war.
Indeed, what will now shape the future of the
region
is not democracy, but the violent divide between Shiites and Sunnis that the Iraq war precipitated.
With Iraq probably becoming the first Arab country to be ruled by Shiites, and hence integrated into an expanding Shiite Iranian empire, America’s Sunni allies in the
region
now view the US as unreliable.
America offered Iran on a silver platter strategic assets that Khomeini’s revolution failed to acquire either in eight years of war against Saddam or in its abortive attempts to export the Islamic revolution throughout the
region.
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