Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
I believe that the chances for a political breakthrough in our
region
have never been better.
But staying out will produce nearly the same result and dramatically shake America’s credibility in a crisis-ridden region, with serious consequences for the future.
For Russia, regime change in Syria – its last military outpost in the
region
– would be another bitter defeat; for Iran, it would mean losing its most important ally in the Arab world, implying even deeper isolation.
But, though Obama correctly identified the Islamic State as what the US does not want in the region, he failed to identity what the US does want for Syria – for which America should be galvanizing support in the
region
and in the broader international community.
The Obama administration has used its effort to remove Maliki as a springboard to improve its relationships in the
region.
Yet even the most enthusiastic advocates of military action against Iraq have to admit that such steps carry considerable risks, and no expert on the
region
I know shares the view, popular among arm-chair orientologists, that a change of regime in Baghdad will usher in a period of peace and stability all over the Middle East.
The Arctic
region
has always been strategically vital for Russia, accounting for roughly 85% of Russia’s natural-gas production, which is based primarily in Western Siberia.
In fact, China plays a role in every security issue – traditional or unconventional – facing the Asia-Pacific
region.
In the long term, depending on the trajectory and modalities of China’s strategy and capabilities, the US might need to adjust the scope of its military involvement in the region, limiting its operational conduct and freedom of action, particularly with regard to aircraft-carrier group deployments.
Finally, American forces would conduct diverse follow-on operations, such as “distant blockades,” in order to seize the operational initiative and ensure protracted US freedom of action in the
region.
For example, US allies in the
region
question whether and to what extent the ASB foresees active allied participation in the envisioned deep-strike missions targeting China’s surveillance systems and long-range missiles.
It is increasingly clear that both China and the US are gradually adopting a portfolio of defense doctrines, operational concepts, and capabilities that will enable their militaries to offset, deny, delimit, and interfere with each other’s strategic engagement in the
region.
Effective confidence-building measures are crucial to diminishing the threat of confrontation in the
region.
The Occident’s basic character was shaped over centuries by the Mediterranean
region
(though parts of Europe north of the Alps made many important contributions to its development).
Practically speaking, this would overturn the balance of power in the Middle East, with grave consequences well beyond the region; morally, it would be a cruel betrayal of the Syrian opposition and a boon to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.
The situation here is not unlike that which the EU faced in Eastern Europe, a
region
which also needed an "anchor" after the fall of communism.
Japan lies in a dangerous region, in which deep-rooted tensions threaten to erupt at any moment.
The fate of the entire
region
may well depend on the outcome of the upcoming conference.
As the anniversary of that earthquake approaches on March 11, Japanese researchers predicted in January 2012 that another major earthquake will strike the southern Kanto region, including Tokyo, by 2016 with 70% probability.
That the
region'
s bloody history is truly behind it seems to have been confirmed by the recent signing of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) with the United States.
But the details of the treaty offer little comfort to a
region
that is still recovering from the economic devastation wrought by those wars.
Although CAFTA represents an important opportunity in the
region'
s quest to expand its access to the US market, it is unclear whether the new rules will strengthen or weaken Central American producers.
Until recently, the
region
maintained a trade surplus with the US, but with liberalization, the
region
will increase imports of more affordable goods, thereby turning the surplus into a deficit.
In a
region
with weak enforcement and few mechanisms for redress, protection restricted to prevailing labor standards amounts to no protection at all.
The
region'
s economies have not experienced significant growth in the past five years (nor have they grown more than 5% annually in the past 20 years).
Nearly $7 billion dollars has entered the
region
in remittances, yet there is no single economic policy that attempts to leverage the development potential of this gift.
What lies ahead is uncertain; the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean stressed that CAFTA's implementation will add 0.5 percentage points to the rate of annual GDP growth in the
region.
Because the public sector can no longer absorb the swelling ranks of university graduates, the MENA
region
now has one of the world’s highest rates of youth unemployment.
Although the Internet and hand-held devices are ubiquitous throughout the region, they are currently used for accessing social media, rather than for launching new enterprises.
For example, the ride-hailing app Careem has grown from a start-up to a billion-dollar company, creating thousands of jobs in more than 90 cities in the MENA
region
and in Pakistan and Turkey.
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