Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
After all, the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran would most likely exacerbate violent conflict and a nuclear arms race in the
region.
The challenge is to find a regional role that is compatible with the country’s size, but that does not create mistrust and, at the same time, benefits the rest of the
region.
Discussions about international free trade, however, have generally been held outside the region, in Doha or in the G-20, with Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico representing Latin America.
In fact, today the
region
cannot even come together to publish a new report.
The first AHDR, published in 2002, identified three major “development deficits” holding the
region
back: knowledge, women’s empowerment, and freedom.
The 2015 AHDR shared similar themes with its 2002 precursor, but this time we engaged more directly with influential Arab youth to compile the best data possible, and to put a spotlight on the effects of the wars engulfing the
region.
It begins with this warning: “The youth of the
region
are becoming continually more disenchanted with the ossified political power structures that marginalize them.
Iran needs to focus on developing all of its human and material resources to become part of a
region
moving from confrontation to cooperation.
And, based on close consultation with both Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, it may yet be possible to move toward more cooperative arrangements in that strategically vital
region.
Iran, the US, and the EU all share an interest in stopping a war that is causing the Syrian state to collapse – with all of the consequences seen in Iraq since 2003 – and strengthening the forces of Sunni jihadism across the
region.
A breakthrough might compel a phase of intense diplomacy, giving Iran a pathway to diplomatic normalization and opening the door for grand bargains that could begin to restore order and stability to the rest of the
region.
A breakdown, by contrast, though unlikely to lead immediately to war, could easily foment developments that lead in that direction, and the
region
as a whole could be pulled even deeper into the current vortex of chaos and violence.
If this means a special status at the expense of other Middle East powers such as Egypt or the Gulf states, Obama might run into strong opposition from America’s traditional allies in the
region.
Instead, it has developed a nuclear weapons program that threatens stability in the
region
and places a heavy burden on its economy.
The future of the Arab Middle East will be decided in the fight between Syria’s Sunni insurgents, supported throughout the
region
by the Saudi Wahhabis – the patrons of religious fundamentalism – and its secular Baath regime; between the fundamentalist Hamas and the secular PLO in Palestine; and between Egypt’s young secular opposition, forged in the protests of Tahrir Square, and the Muslim Brotherhood and radical Salafists.
As for Syria, the revolt against one of the most secular autocracies in the Arab world has degenerated into a fight to the death between Sunnis and Shia that is spilling over to other countries in the
region.
In the wake of Russia’s annexation of Crimea, for example, Harper was the only G-7 leader to visit Kyiv, where he drew stark – if questionable – historical parallels between Russia’s actions and Germany’s annexation of the Sudetenland
region
of Czechoslovakia in 1938.
In a
region
plagued by conflict and disorder, addressing these problems will not be easy.
We have seen firsthand how universities in the
region
and around the world have shut their doors in the faces of refugees from Syria and elsewhere, forcing them to overcome huge bureaucratic and financial hurdles.
Local security forces, bolstered by generous American assistance, have made the
region
a difficult place for foreign terrorists to set up operational cells – and other conditions also help to make Latin America less vulnerable.
Many former terrorist and insurgent groups in the
region
have undergone similar transformations over the last two decades.
Drug cartels and gang warfare may ruin the lives of thousands of innocent people, but they should not be seen as equivalent to the ideological revolutionaries who used to wreak havoc in the region, or to contemporary mass terrorists.
Extra-regional terrorists certainly have incentives to penetrate the
region.
But Latin America should redouble its efforts in order to avoid losing its enviable status as the
region
least threatened by international terrorism.
There is every reason to believe that Japan’s strategy for rejuvenating its economy will succeed: the country benefits from strong institutions, has a well-educated labor force with superb technical skills and design sensibilities, and is located in the world’s most (only?) dynamic
region.
They largely succeeded: Their design kept the
region
from coming between the two European powers, and it managed to survive for a century.
In four – arguably five – countries in the region, the government does not control significant portions of the state’s territory.
These countries will not go back to what they were; ties to region, religion, tribe, ethnicity, and/or ideology have in many cases superseded national identities.
Moreover, the Academy of Science established a group of leading scientists, who were immediately dispatched to the Chernobyl
region.
There is a better way to prevent the proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in the region: a “WMD-free zone,” built on a system of incentives that include economic and technical support for countries that join, as well as security guarantees from the United Nations Security Council’s permanent members.
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