Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
There will be no substantive and permanent peace for any peoples in this troubled
region
as long as Israel is violating key UN resolutions, official American policy and the international “road map” for peace by occupying Arab lands and oppressing the Palestinians.
Such a past is painfully visible today, for example, in the Balkans, a world largely paralyzed by a painful fixation on the conflicts that tore the
region
apart in the 1990’s.
An absolute inability to consider the point of view of the other and to go beyond a sense of collective martyrdom still lingers, unequally to be fair, over the entire
region.
For starters, the United States’ strategic “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific
region
is described as an opportunity for Europe to assert a coordinated foreign policy that finally plays a role in the development of cooperative policies in the
region.
There is certainly a special animus to Saudi-Iran relations, particularly given the Saudi view that Iran is instigating Shia restiveness in the
region.
By jointly appealing to all countries to “avoid unilateral actions” in the South China Sea, they implicitly criticized China’s construction of artificial islands there, which they rightly regard as a blatant attempt to secure leverage in territorial disputes – and gain control over sea lanes of “critical importance” for the Indo-Pacific
region.
If a majority of the voters in a distinct
region
of a country favor independence, does that mean that they have a right to secede?
The Munich Agreement gave this region, referred to by the Nazis as the Sudetenland, to Germany, leaving Czechoslovakia without defensible borders and paving the way for the Nazi invasion and partition of the country the following March.
All states have an interest in stability, so it is hard to imagine that, in the absence of widespread, grave, and undeniable human rights violations, other states would recognize a
region
that, after being part of a state for many centuries, declared itself independent without the acquiescence of the country from which it secedes.
The role of a referendum in a
region
seeking to secede can therefore only be a form of persuasion aimed at the government of the existing state.
Consider, by contrast, Italy’s annexation of South Tyrol, a predominantly German-speaking
region.
Yet today, South Tyrol enjoys extensive constitutional autonomy, including full cultural freedom and a fiscal regime that leaves 90% of tax revenues in the
region.
It must seize this moment to introduce a broader strategy toward Iran, one that convinces Iranian leaders to address legitimate concerns about their ongoing ballistic-missile program and disruptive behavior in the
region.
The Iranians must be made to understand that only by restricting their missile program and cooperating on efforts to restore stability to the
region
can they preserve their economic relations with Europe.
Throughout the region, a history of conflict and a legacy of poor governance have fueled a deep distrust of governments and state institutions, as indicated in a 2012 Afrobarometer survey.
These include not only acute questions like Iran’s nuclear program, but also long-term issues critical to the Arctic region, such as maritime safety, energy development, responses to oil spills, and fisheries management.
As the United States convenes foreign ministers from Arctic and key non-Arctic states in Alaska on August 31 to discuss climate change and other topics concerning the region, it is vitally important that disagreements in other parts of the world not be allowed to derail the discussions.
When the US – an Arctic state with a strong interest in the
region
– assumed the chairmanship of the Arctic Council in April, it emphasized its readiness to cooperate with all of the organization’s members, including Russia.
Even as our Russian interlocutors agreed on the importance of cooperation in the Arctic, they vigorously supported their country’s annexation of Crimea and insisted that US sanctions on Russian oil and gas projects in the Arctic have dangerously injected geopolitical issues into the
region.
The development of the region’s oil and gas fields ranks high on the agenda of most of the countries with interests in the region; but operating costs in the Arctic are high, and, with energy prices low, most projects have been slowed or delayed.
While the West accepts that Russia wants to strengthen its infrastructure in the
region
to support its economic and security interests, the Kremlin’s military maneuvers there remain a sore point.
As Arctic Council Chair, the US must work to maintain a constructive environment in the
region.
Until now, the
region
has been unable to institutionalize economic cooperation as vigorously as Europe and North America have.
Japan, too – still the largest Asian economy and a traditional donor to the
region
– must also play a role.
The Niger Delta region, home to most of Nigeria’s oil and many of its poor people, is in turmoil.
In October 2004, violence in the
region
forced Obasanjo’s government to negotiate with militia leader Asari Dokubu, after his men attacked a series of Royal Dutch Shell oil facilities and threatened to “burn down the area.”
A few weeks ago, a previously unknown organization called “The Martyr’s Brigade” claimed credit for attacks on Delta pipelines, raising concerns among multinationals that mercenary resistance in the
region
is becoming ideological.
Obasanjo has called on Muslim farmers in the area to cull their birds, a key source of protein in a
region
where malnutrition is a constant threat.
Such an impressive sequence of events has not been seen for a long time in that troubled
region.
But, while South Korea’s geostrategic location and historical legacy – together with the enduring nationalist sentiments, alliance politics, territorial disputes, and superpower rivalries at play throughout the
region
– have generated a persistent security dilemmas, the country’s closest neighbor poses its defining security challenge.
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