Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
No one seems to have an answer to such fundamental questions as how to restore stability to Yemen and the Levant, but everyone knows that as the conflicts continue, it becomes more likely that the entire
region
will be destabilized.
From Donbas to North Korea to the Gulf region, there is no shortage of places where developments could take a shocking turn.
In a change of strategy, the negotiating team had decided to marginalize Karadzic and Mladic and to force Milosevic, as the senior Serb in the region, to take responsibility for the war and for the negotiations that we hoped would end it.
In the years since it regained its independence, Ukraine has proved that it can play an important and constructive role in the
region.
But neither a nuclear-armed Iran nor air strikes against it are wise options, certainly not for this
region.
A clear reminder that the fault lines of disunity still run deep is the recent sentence of death by stoning issued to a woman by a Muslim Sharia court in Nigeria's northern
region.
The upsurge in Islamic fundamentalism in northern Nigeria is partly driven by the deep insecurity of the
region'
s political elite over a possible loss of power and influence.
The Middle East’s Five CrisesThe
region
between Egypt and Pakistan is a cauldron of five discrete, explosive components: Iraq’s civil strife, Afghanistan’s insurgency, Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the longstanding Israel-Arab conflict, and the risk of clashes between extremist groups and corrupt, repressive governments.
The Tohoku
region
of Japan, where the meeting will take place, is a vivid reminder of how a disaster's economic impact reverberates far beyond its epicenter.
Compared to the politics of this region, a rollercoaster ride is downright calming.
And yet the Middle East is also a
region
that, throughout its innumerable conflicts, has hardly changed, languishing in a strange kind of standstill.
There must be an intrinsic correlation between the lack of developmental dynamism of most Middle Eastern societies and the fact that the
region
is so crisis-prone.
The conflict between Israel and the Palestinians stands out as an example of the static nature of this key geopolitical region, because it seems to be completely unaffected by any international upheaval.
However, this impression – correct where the past is concerned – might prove deceptive in the future, because two global megatrends will subject the
region
to more profound change than all the many previous political crises and wars were able to bring about.
And the same applies to the increasing demand for energy: although the
region
as a whole is rich in energy resources, their uneven geographical distribution suggests that any viable solution must be built on cooperation.
This would, finally, give the Middle East – a
region
poor in growth and rich in conflicts – a distinct identity, making it a player in global economic terms as well, and thus enabling it to become the architect of its own future.
And Europe can help the Middle East – its neighboring
region
– achieve this strategic objective.
Whether the consequences of this development will be good or bad depends on whether the
region
can muster the foresight and strength actively to shape this process.
Political Islam is an almost unknown phenomenon in this
region
(the Islamic Party of Kenya was never registered, for example), and Muslim organizations have mostly focused on welfare and rights.
Booming trade in the
region
has failed to mute or moderate territorial and other disputes; on the contrary, it has only sharpened regional geopolitics and unleashed high-stakes brinkmanship.
But that’s because Bush didn’t begin to address the issue that is looming ever larger in the region: the changing face of security in Asia in view of China’s growing economic and military might.
China regards the SCO as a stage for broadening its influence over a vast region, ranging from the Asia-Pacific to Southwest Asia, the Middle East, East Africa, and the Indian Ocean.
Nowadays, however, the SCO is often used as a forum to campaign against supposed American unilateralism and to provide a united front – especially between China and Russia – against the US with respect to security and arms-reduction issues in the
region.
This includes joint anti-terror training and demands to reduce US forces in the region, particularly from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan.
The SCO provides China not only with a platform to confront the existing US-led alliance in the Asia-Pacific region, but is increasingly being used to prevent the formation of a US-led network to restrain China’s advance.
The old Middle East, formed out of the remains of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, is clearly falling apart, owing, in no small part, to America’s actions in this conflict-prone
region.
The “neoconservatives” in power at the time were oblivious to the need to fill the power vacuum both in Iraq and the
region
following the removal of Saddam Hussein.
Should ISIS succeed in establishing a permanent state-like entity in parts of Iraq and Syria, the disintegration of the
region
would accelerate, the US would lose its “global war on terror,” and world peace would be seriously threatened.
The situation in the Mediterranean
region
is challenging, but not hopeless.
The US would not be able to avoid being dragged militarily into the region, if only to safeguard the supplies of oil and gas on which the global economy depends.
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