Regimes
in sentence
1100 examples of Regimes in a sentence
Meanwhile, America’s relationship with its traditional Arab allies – the region’s conservative Sunni
regimes
– is faltering, owing largely to US President Barack Obama’s failure to respond effectively in the aftermath of the Arab Spring uprisings.
Whatever drives the extremism of Osama bin Laden, he would not have found so many willing recruits for his acts of mass murder if the
regimes
in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, or Algeria had been less oppressive and corrupt.
Nor are Muslims the only ones to rebel against secular
regimes
in the name of their faith.
Instead, nationalist and authoritarian
regimes
have been in power for most of the past quarter-century, pursuing state-capitalist growth models that ensure only mediocre economic performance.
In the 1930’s, the failure to prevent the Great Depression empowered authoritarian
regimes
in Europe and Asia, eventually leading to World War II.
Democracies have proved to be much more peaceful than authoritarian
regimes
and dictatorships.
Of course, non-treatment of the past is not the exclusive privilege of non-democratic
regimes.
Except for a few tweaks that generally resonate more at home than with Germany’s European and international partners (such as requiring the government to be more transparent concerning arms exports to autocratic regimes), continuity and caution will remain the watchwords of German foreign and security policy.
To the Shiite majority, long brutally oppressed by Saddam and all previous Sunni-dominated Iraqi regimes, Saddam’s death symbolizes their attainment of political hegemony.
Nonetheless, significant challenges remain, including uncertain performance expectations and evolving disclosure
regimes.
There is a great deal of money to be made by cozying up to the Russian and Chinese
regimes
(as the US president knows only too well).
The fracturing of the West is a welcome development in the eyes of Russian President Vladimir Putin and illiberal
regimes
around the world.
The North Koreans made it abundantly clear that they understood what can happen to
regimes
that pick fights with America without having the ultimate weapon.
Similarly, the declaration merely reiterates America’s position that it supports India’s “full membership” in the four US-led technology-control regimes: the Wassenaar Arrangement, the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, and the Australia Group.
Given that US policy is to deny sensitive technologies to those outside these regimes, India’s admission would make all the difference in facilitating technology sharing.
Despite this huge concentration of powers in the presidency, or perhaps because of it, the Fifth Republic has failed to perform better than more democratic Western
regimes.
The US has been behind the curve from the moment the turmoil sparked, trying to play catch up as two authoritarian governments were toppled by popular protest and more
regimes
try to cling to power as long as they can.
To argue that peacemaking can’t be successful when governments and
regimes
are in flux ignores the fact that it is precisely in such circumstances that outsiders can help shape the process.
The more power these companies have, the more they can accrue, as they use their influence to shape regulatory systems, economic policies, and even tax
regimes.
Continuing fear of political Islam in much of the West explains past support for dictatorial
regimes.
These parties made no effort to reach out to the new
regimes
and the rising new generations in the public squares of the Arab world.
Hadjiev and his family fled to Europe in 2001, escaping one of the world’s most repressive regimes: the absolutist dictatorship of the late Saparmurat Niyazov, who fancied himself “Turkmenbashi,” the father of all Turkmen.
By granting him political asylum, we can make a resounding statement that authoritarian
regimes
can no longer count on support within Europe’s borders.
The current state of affairs remains the EU’s Achilles’ heel, because it implies dependence on imports from unstable, authoritarian
regimes.
Thus, not only is the EU exposed to global supply disruptions; it is also helping to prop up authoritarian governments and empower hostile regimes, which limits its own ability to provide effective, coordinated responses to threats and provocations.
This model has inspired many others outside of South Africa, not least in countries still ruled by authoritarian
regimes
that use fear tactics to maintain their grip on power.
That strategy must also include changes, say, to business models, incentives, innovation strategies, and regulatory
regimes
– changes that should be pursued by people whose education has prepared them to address the effects of their work on the rest of us.
Such practical proposals address key global issues, including international terrorism, strengthening of mechanisms for arms control, arms reduction, and non-proliferation, efforts to contain attempts by North Korea and Iran to develop nuclear weapons, encouraging transparency in China’s military, restraining Russia’s imperial ambitions, and building a global ballistic missile defense network against missiles that could be launched by rogue
regimes.
The demise of military dictatorships and the spread of democratic
regimes
throughout Latin America (except for Cuba) means that even severe economic, class, ethnic, and other tensions now more often manifest themselves politically, in struggles for votes and influence.
Under less friendly regimes, Bangladesh had been a haven for terrorist and militant groups that wreaked havoc in India.
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