Regime in sentence

4002 examples of Regime in a sentence

Such a calibrated approach, however, combining a differentiated understanding of the nature of Saddam's regime and its weaknesses, has a better chance of success than an outright assault, or the dangers inherent in allowing Saddam to remain in power.

In fact, a Singapore-style approach – combining a freewheeling market economy and an authoritarian regime – has clearly emerged from the plenum.

In these desperate circumstances, North Korea’s leaders clung to their strategy of developing nuclear weapons as a last resort to defend the security of their regime.

But if defending the status quo no longer seems possible, regime change incites its own fears.

The Balkan EndgameROME – Twenty years after the collapse of Yugoslavia and the communist regime in Albania, the western Balkans region is at a turning point once again.

Serbia is emblematic of the importance of doing so, as public support there for the EU integration process has risen sharply in a only months, from 40% to 60%, thanks in large part to the EU’s decision of earlier this year to liberalize the visa regime.

Whereas a popular revolution produced regime change in Tunisia, Morocco underwent a peaceful transformation that left the monarchy in place.

Reforms unleashed the beneficial forces of supply and demand, as Poland's experience made dramatically evident, and brought an end to the endemic shortages of the old regime.

It started in Tunisia, where the revolution swept President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s repressive regime out of power.

Indeed, the military, the bulwark of Mubarak’s regime, is now in charge in Egypt, and has been repressing, jailing, and killing protesters who dare to stand up.

And, if the military loosens the reins, the Muslim Brotherhood could take over and form its own authoritarian, non-representative regime.

Unfortunately, it is not the people who are trying to change their country’s future, but the Egyptian military and the same politicians who ruled Egypt under the previous regime.

In Burma, the power of educated Buddhist monks – people who are unarmed and peace loving by their very nature – has risen up against the military regime.

Its exchange-rate regime, which pegs the Renminbi to the US dollar, was blamed for the mounting US trade deficit.

A candidate may promise more anti-dumping actions against Chinese goods, vow to press harder on China to change its exchange rate regime, or sharpen criticism of China's weak enforcement of intellectual property rights; but over-protectionism may make a candidate look irresponsible in 2004.

The US-led sanctions regime and low oil prices have battered the Russian economy, which is expected to contract by 0.8% in 2016.

It cannot opt out of the US-led sanctions regime; and it cannot exempt the disputed Kurils from its security treaty with the US, especially now that it has been urging the US to provide an explicit commitment to defend the Japanese-controlled Senkaku Islands, over which China claims sovereignty.

Above all, there was the Bush administration’s “de-Baathification” policy, which sought to eliminate every vestige of Saddam’s neo-Baathist regime.

For the US, in particular, one of the most important lessons of the past 15 years is that military interventions aimed at regime change will almost always lead to disaster, especially in the absence of a sensible plan for what comes next.

This warm welcome contrasts with Iraqi distrust of the political exiles who returned on the coattails of the American overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003.

Nuclear weapons would make the threat posed by the Iranian regime all the more severe.

America’s strategy seems to be to squeeze Qaddafi’s regime out of power through a combination of financial, economic, and even “psychological” pressure aimed at isolating the Colonel from his sources of support within his own inner circle.

Moreover, as was true in Poland, Burma’s opposition leaders must strike a delicate balance: satisfy their impatient supporters (many of whom have suffered mightily under the old regime), while offering those still in power the prospect of a worthwhile future.

Do not let the current regime exploit them to extend this crisis.”

She told Syria’s business, military, and other leaders that they must recognize that their futures lie with the state, not with the regime.

The authority and power of Putin’s regime, too, was (largely) a function of globalization – specifically, the huge surge in oil prices.

There were also, according to Putin’s regime, too many public institutions performing too many activities with insufficient oversight, so they were made smaller and given specific tasks from a short centralized list of priorities.

These trends will only accelerate as Putin’s regime intensifies its assault on the field.

Given such sentiments, it will prove almost impossible at the review conference to build a consensus in favor of further necessary strengthening of the non-proliferation regime, with improved safeguards, export controls, security disciplines, and sanctions against withdrawal from the treaty.

No one can watch the ongoing violence in Syria without a sense of horror at the armed attacks on largely unarmed civilians, overwhelmingly by groups that support President Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

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