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Regime in sentence

4002 examples of Regime in a sentence

Until this spring, most observers had assumed that the share of the dollar in international reserves would gradually fall, while that of the euro would rise, and that the world would gradually and smoothly make a transition to a multi-reserve regime.
The euro crisis has challenged the view that the transition to a multi-reserve regime will have a smooth dynamic.
Finally, the corruption that was endemic in Qaddafi’s regime endures, with ministry officials accepting bribes, for example, in exchange for contracts.
For starters, Qaddafi managed to unify a country that, since the Greek invasion in the seventh century BC, had been divided between a coastal strip linked to the larger Mediterranean basin and an isolated hinterland that even Benito Mussolini’s brutal regime could not secure.
Though Japan today bears no resemblance to the militarist regime of World War II, its willful historical amnesia continues to fuel resentment elsewhere in Asia, particularly China and Korea.
First, Macri’s government abolished exchange-rate controls and moved Argentina to a floating currency regime, with the Argentine peso allowed to depreciate by 60% against the US dollar in 2016.
Third, the Central Bank of Argentina announced that it would follow an inflation-targeting regime, instead of continuing to rely mainly on seigniorage to finance the fiscal deficit.
So far, Francis’s actions have not sparked the kind of confrontational response or mass mobilization this is often associated with regime change in authoritarian systems.
After all, even stopping the fighting between regime forces and some armed groups – that is, those that associate themselves with the Syrian National Coalition, or are at least willing to coordinate with the Free Syrian Army (FSA) and the partly Saudi-sponsored Islamic Front – would be a major achievement.
This includes the core leadership of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, which is now supported by Hezbollah and Iraqi militias, as much as the ISIS, which is composed largely of non-Syrian fighters who are unconcerned about rebuilding the country or safeguarding its people’s future.
Meanwhile, the Assad regime benefits from the fact that parts of the country that it no longer controls cannot be called “liberated zones,” given the prevailing chaos and extremism in these areas.
Indeed, people in jihadist-controlled areas are deeply unhappy with Al Qaeda thugs terrorizing them and trying to enforce their version of Islamic mores – so much so that the Assad regime increasingly appears to be a better alternative to continued warfare or an Al Qaeda takeover.
After all, a ceasefire is not a peace agreement; it would, for the time being, leave regime and opposition forces in their respective positions.
Given that the Assad regime has overwhelming firepower, its consent is vital to achieving a ceasefire agreement.
Indeed, both have already helped to bring the Syrian regime to Geneva.
Consider the vast investment and entrepreneurial activity that China has elicited through a hybrid system of property rights and a legal regime that is as far as imaginable from the Anglo-American system.
Should Mubarak and his government fail to recommend constitutional amendments that satisfy these demands, ever more Egyptians will desert the regime and risk their lives in search of salvation in other lands.
If China really is distancing itself from North Korea, Kim Jong-un’s regime will be almost entirely isolated internationally.
If Kim is insane, the only option is to take him out before his suicidal regime can kill millions of people.
First, his regime might be planning to offer concessions that it has no intention of fulfilling.
In 2002, the US discovered that the regime was secretly enriching weapons-grade uranium in direct violation of its earlier pledge.
The Kim regime has always sought such vindication above everything else.
If Israel's labor market remains closed to Palestinian workers, maintaining this regime will become increasingly counter-productive.
Adopting a more neutral trade regime, in which Israel is treated the same as any other trading partner, would then become more attractive.
Our simulations indicate that a non-discriminatory trade regime would magnify the potential positive impact of depreciation in the real exchange rate (as a result of the reduction in wages) on Palestinian GDP.
The Iranian regime would continue to brutally repress its domestic opponents, meddle in Iraq and Afghanistan, arm and fund Hezbollah and Hamas, and, most important, develop the ability to construct one or more nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them.
Moreover, while a preventive strike would delay Iran’s nuclear efforts, it would not stop the regime from rebuilding, and it might also create conditions that cause problems for the regime’s domestic opponents.
The world should not sit idly by as Iran’s regime fails to meet these obligations.
But what about the need for a wider reckoning with the former regime?
While US Chief Administrator Paul Bremer recently vested authority in a number of judges, their powers are extremely limited, and apply only to present violations, not the sustained abuses of human rights that defined Saddam's regime.
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