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Refugees in sentence

2286 examples of Refugees in a sentence

This has destabilized neighboring countries, where nearly four million refugees now reside, as well as the European Union, which has received most of the rest.
He chose to ignore the fact that Hong Kong was built by refugees from China, comfortable with British rule, and was always fidgety about China’s politics.
There is still the remote possibility, however unlikely, that Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas will come to Annapolis with a concrete plan (a divided Jerusalem, a return to the 1967 borders with minor alterations, compensation for refugees), and a calendar to dismantle West Bank settlements.
But, beyond the United Kingdom’s “Brexit” vote to leave the bloc, Poland’s constitutional-court imbroglio, Russian expansionism, migrants and refugees, and resurgent nationalism, the greatest threat to the EU comes from within: a crisis of political leadership is paralyzing its institutions.
European leaders, frankly, should know better than to blame EU institutions, hypothetical trade deals, and refugees for their own failures to tackle unemployment and reduce inequality.
Almost everyone in Israel suspects that the Palestinians and their Arab supporters may not be satisfied with what is on offer: a demilitarized state within the 1967 borders, as well as legal status in Jerusalem, without the possibility for refugees to return to Israel.
Eastern Europe’s Crisis of ShameBERLIN – As thousands of refugees pour into Europe to escape the horrors of war, with many dying along the way, a different sort of tragedy has played out in many of the European Union’s newest member states.
Indeed, before the eyes of the entire world, the government of Hungary, an EU member state, has mistreated thousands of refugees.
In Poland, a country of 40 million people, the government initially expressed a readiness to accept 2,000 refugees – but only Christians (Slovakia proposed a similar stipulation).
Refugees are not an Eastern European problem, a Polish journalist told National Public Radio in the United States, because these countries did not participate in the decision to bomb Libya (neither did Germany).
Indeed, the electronic version of Poland’s largest newspaper, Gazeta Wyborcza, now publishes a stunning notice at the end of every article about refugees: “Because of the extraordinarily aggressive content of remarks advocating violence, contrary to the law, and calling for racial, ethnic, and religious hatred, we will not allow readers to publish comments.”
Now Muslim refugees and survivors of other wars, having found no refuge in Eastern Europe, also are fleeing to safety among the Germans.
This was a long, difficult process; but German society, mindful of its historical misdeeds, has become capable of confronting moral and political challenges of the type posed by the influx of refugees today.
Originally created to deliver basic assistance to refugees displaced during the creation of the Israeli state, the UNWRA has provided health care, employment, and emergency food and shelter for displaced Palestinians since 1949.
Today, nearly two million refugees receive emergency food and cash assistance from the organization, and each year millions use the 143 UNRWA-run health clinics.
This is good news, but we will need to do more to offset the coming loss of US support at a time when budgets are already strained by the fast-increasing humanitarian needs of the world’s other 60 million displaced people, including more than 20 million refugees (a post-World War II record).
Beyond reducing substantially the UNRWA’s capacity to deliver basic services to Palestinian refugees, the shortage of resources will also threaten the already tenuous stability of the West Bank, Gaza, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan.
The administration also asserts that UNRWA is inflating the number of Palestinian refugees, not all of whom deserve the “right to return” (a major sticking point in peace negotiations with Israel), and that the organization has outlived its usefulness.
But, in response it is argued that the practice of defining refugees’ descendants as refugees is in accordance with international conventions governing refugee rights, as well as with international human rights and humanitarian law and the approach taken by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).
Likewise, in Europe, populist leaders have capitalized on the influx of refugees fleeing conflicts in the Middle East to convince people that EU-imposed policies threaten not just Europeans’ security, but also their culture.
Both of them are 14-year-old Syrian refugees in Lebanon, eager for an education, but unable to go to school.
Like many of the young refugees in Lebanon, Dilan and Ahmad are losing hope that they will ever be able to attend school again.
Providing the refugees with an education would cost around $500 a year – less than $10 a week – per pupil.
Even the “decision” to admit more than one million refugees in 2015 was really just a decision not to place barbed wire and armed soldiers at Germany’s borders (imagine the world’s reaction to that image).
This pits them against one another and has precipitated panic, putting refugees in even greater peril.
Greece has been accused of not doing enough to process and house refugees.
And yet, even if the country were not crippled by economic crisis, it would be unreasonable to expect a single small country to bear the burden alone – especially in a year when more than 800,000 refugees are expected to pass through its territory.
Solidarity Now needs just €62 million ($67 million) to care for 15,000 of the 50,000 refugees who need to be housed in Greece next year.
A safe, deliberate process of vetting refugees would quell security concerns in the aftermath of the Paris attacks.
Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan, which have borne most of the burden of the crisis, host more than four million Syrian refugees.
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