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Refugees in sentence

2286 examples of Refugees in a sentence

But anxiety about national identity is still alive and well in Germany, especially since the arrival of more than a million refugees since 2015.
How can Germans demand that refugees and immigrants integrate themselves into German society, he asks, if Germans won’t even speak their own language?
For all the Sturm und Drang about refugees, Merkel and the CDU maintain a towering lead over all other parties in the polls.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to open her country’s doors wide to refugees was an inspiring gesture, but it was not properly thought out, because it ignored the pull factor.
The lack of adequate controls, moreover, created panic, affecting everyone: the local population, the authorities in charge of public safety, and the refugees themselves.
Tensions among member states have reached a breaking point, not only over refugees, but also as a result of exceptional strains between creditor and debtor countries within the eurozone.
The UN remains the world’s best – indeed its only – hope to stop the Syrian bloodbath and halt the flood of refugees to Europe.
By one contemporary estimate, there were more than 40 million refugees in Europe alone.
In its 2015 mid-year report, the agency put the number of “forcibly displaced” people worldwide at 59.5 million at the end of 2014, including 19.5 million internationally displaced, which they define as true refugees.
In fact, throughout history, the fate of refugees seeking asylum in another land has largely been unstudied.
That is why we need more research on what can and should be done for refugees in the long term.
The UNHCR has been doing an important job in protecting refugees, but it cannot possibly address their needs alone.
Hatton confronts a popular argument against admitting refugees: that asylum-seekers are not really desperate, but are just using a crisis as a pretext for admission to a richer country.
Semih Tumen of the Central Bank of Turkey presented evidence regarding the impact of the 2.2 million Syrian refugees on the labor market in the border region.
Tumen’s paper, too, takes on an argument frequently used to oppose admitting refugees: that the newcomers will take locals’ jobs and drive down wages.
He found that in the formal sector, jobs for locals actually increased after the influx of refugees, apparently because of the stimulative effect on the region’s economy.
Finally, Jeffrey D. Sachs of Columbia University detailed a major new system for managing refugees.
Under today’s haphazard and archaic asylum rules, refugees must take enormous risks to reach safety, and the costs and benefits of helping them are distributed capriciously.
But the 350,000 refugees who crossed European borders, and the more than 2,600 who drowned trying to reach them, in the first eight months of this year have opened our eyes.
The inhumane conditions these refugees face are unacceptable.
That same urgency must be applied to peacemaking in Syria; after all, the refugees are a product of the country’s long, brutal, multi-sided civil war.
Since the conflict began in 2011, it has produced more than four million refugees, and approximately eight million internally displaced people.
But it is India – which maintains open borders with Nepal, and received millions of Nepali refugees during the civil war – that probably has the most at stake, as renewed conflict would destabilize India's hill districts, while leaving its Himalayan borders vulnerable to Chinese encroachment.
“Leveling the battlefield” by providing weapons to moderates is, at best, a prescription for prolonged violence, with even more civilian casualties and refugees.
Not only has a sustainable agreement on Greek debt finally been agreed; but the United Nations Refugee Agency has recorded just 42,213 refugees so far this year – nowhere near the million-plus who arrived at the EU’s borders in 2015.
Rather than agree on a fair division of costs, whether of the financial crisis or of welcoming refugees, governments try to minimize their obligations and shift them onto others – thereby increasing the collective costs.
Likewise, EU rules stipulating that refugees should be granted asylum in the first member country they reach have proved both unworkable and unfair; because asylum-seekers mostly arrive in southern Europe and want to head north, Greece and Italy ignore the rules and facilitate their passage.
Transit countries such as Hungary try to divert refugees elsewhere.
Likewise, whereas welcoming refugees requires an initial investment of public funds, it can pay dividends as soon as the newcomers start working.
A Slovak prime minister who rejects refugees on the grounds that “Slovakia is built for Slovaks, not for minorities” is hard to buy off.
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