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Refugees in sentence

2286 examples of Refugees in a sentence

Guterres’ decision to co-host the refugee event in Kampala with an author of the calamities in the refugees’ homelands dishonored the victims he hoped to assist.
Indeed, fortified frontiers are most effective at stopping poor migrants and refugees.
Despite the recent deal with Turkey aimed at reducing the flow of Syrian refugees, most Germans do not expect their EU partners to change course.
Of course, for some Germans, the lack of solidarity regarding refugees is simply a compelling excuse for blocking reforms that they never supported in the first place, such as the completion of a European banking union.
Founded just three years ago on an anti-European platform, the AfD has now made opposition to refugees a cornerstone of its appeal.
Politicians and economists have been stoking fears among German citizens about the massive costs of the influx of refugees, which has intensified the struggle over high and rising levels of inequality in wealth and wages.
The likely outcome is a further cut in public investment, combined with additional social spending and an increase in the minimum wage, which would benefit some Germans, but also make it more difficult for refugees to find jobs.
The refusal of European leaders to take responsibility and agree on a shared solution to the refugee crisis is not just hurting the refugees; it is also damaging the EU’s future, as it weakens Germany’s willingness to reform and engage with the rest of Europe.
The tragedy of Korea is that no one really wishes to change the status quo: China wants to keep North Korea as a buffer state, and fears millions of refugees in the event of a North Korean collapse; the South Koreans could never afford to absorb North Korea in the way that West Germany absorbed the broken German Democratic Republic; and neither Japan nor the US would relish paying to clean up after a North Korean implosion, either.
Governments that had been reticent about extending AIDS drugs to sex workers, gay men, and refugees were suddenly forced to recognize these populations’ right to services.
Millions more became refugees.
In March, Turkey and the European Union agreed on an ambitious package of measures designed to stem the flow of refugees to Europe.
The entire refugee package, under which Turkey continues to host more than 2.8 million Syrian refugees, could then come under threat, with consequences for the flow of asylum-seekers.
About 600,000 people have been killed and hundreds of thousands made into refugees.
According to the UN High Commission for Refugees, there were 65 million refugees last year, compared to just 1.6 million in 1960.
Italy imports 60% of its oil and 40% of its natural gas from Libya, and soon after Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi was re-elected in 2008, he pledged to pay Qaddafi’s regime €250 million a year for 20 years in exchange for Libya’s acceptance of all North African refugees seeking political asylum in Italy.
But would it have erupted the way it recently did had Europe not mishandled the eurozone crisis since 2010, imposing quasi-permanent stagnation on Spain and the rest of the European periphery while setting the stage for xenophobia and moral panic when refugees began crossing Europe’s external borders?
Among Colau’s commitments to the people of Barcelona was a local tax cut for small businesses and households, assistance to the poor, and the construction of housing for 15,000 refugees – a large share of the total number that Spain was meant to absorb from frontline states like Greece and Italy.
At the same time, the central government barred entry to the 15,000 refugees for whom Colau had built excellent housing facilities.
To this day, the budget surplus prevails, the services and local tax cuts promised have not been delivered, and the social housing for refugees remains empty.
They could also be allowed to implement their own policies on refugees and migration.
That means distinguishing between economic migrants and refugees, strengthening border controls, and boosting cooperation with third countries.
The PiS leadership is also child-like in its ruthlessness toward those whom it perceives as weak – namely, refugees – or guilty.
We have seen firsthand how universities in the region and around the world have shut their doors in the faces of refugees from Syria and elsewhere, forcing them to overcome huge bureaucratic and financial hurdles.
The British-determined partition with Pakistan added communal violence, the trauma of destruction and displacement, and 13 million refugees to this list of woes.
Second, the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) should work with Indonesia or Malaysia to establish a center where people can be processed speedily and, if found to be genuine refugees, resettled in Australia.
(If the number of refugees turned out to be beyond Australia’s capacity, a regional approach could be developed later, involving resettlement in other countries.)
By committing to find a place for genuine refugees, such a policy would remove any incentive to take the perilous boat journey.
Today, the government has humiliated refugees, calling them illegal, “queue jumpers,” and possible threats to national security.
The government has encouraged Australians to change their attitude toward people in need, while claiming, as Evans does, that Australia remains one of the two or three most generous countries in accepting refugees.
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