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Reforms in sentence

4494 examples of Reforms in a sentence

Without rebalancing and reforms, the days of the automatic Chinese soft landing may be over.
Beyond 2013, growth must depend on either the elixir of structural reforms, or a strong revival of the global economy.
Running on very small budgets, these ruthless truth-tellers regularly force their institutions’ leaders to have honest discussions about organizational effectiveness and possible reforms.
The question is whether it will undertake the reforms it needs now or wait until a costly crisis leaves it no choice.
Public policy is one part of the problem, but corporate behavior has been an even bigger obstacle to commonsense pension reforms.
Even structural reforms that will eventually increase productivity growth can be recessionary in the short run.
Economics has certainly played a part in the upsurge of identity politics, but the crisis of identity will not be expunged by economic reforms alone.
To deduce from this, however, as Western leaders do whenever they visit places like China, Cuba, and Iran, eager businessmen in tow, that somehow greater economic interdependence will automatically encourage political reforms in their host country is reminiscent of the naiveté which gripped many in the West during the days of "Detente."
The anti-austerity protest vote is strongest where governments have been unable to implement reforms effectively (for example, in Greece), in contrast to Portugal and Spain, whose economies are recovering on the back of strong exports.
In Italy, Prime Minister Matteo Renzi’s new government has been able to stem the tide of Euroskepticism by undertaking concrete reforms and not blaming the EU for every problem the country faces.
Many participants agreed that China’s top-down decision-making structure, by enabling the government to invest in painful but needed reforms, confers a powerful development advantage.
At long last, China’s senior leadership has endorsed a raft of reforms that could impel the economy’s shift from reliance on exports to consumption-led growth.
The reforms endorsed by the Third Plenum focus on this wedge between income and consumption, offering specific proposals aimed at altering the behavior of fear-driven Chinese families.
This small group, likely to be headed by Xi, will play the key role in drafting specific guidelines for implementing the Plenum’s proposed reforms – thus threatening to marginalize the long-dominant technocrats of the National Development and Reform Commission, the heir to the old State Planning Commission.
Unlike Jiang and Hu, Xi assumed quick command of the Chinese Communist Party, the government, and the military, and very effectively shepherded the Third Plenum’s historic reforms.
But if such a strategy is to succeed, it will have to be accompanied by European-led reforms in the Western Balkans that align those countries more closely with EU membership requirements.
As for the region itself, political elites will need to be motivated to pursue necessary reforms, rather than putting their own economic interests first.
The highest priority should be judicial reforms, which will help these societies internalize the rule of law, and regional reconciliation, without which there can be no progress toward accession.
Republicans have proposed tax reforms in lieu of rate hikes on high-income taxpayers to raise revenues for deficit reduction.
Reforms that made the tax system simpler, fairer, and less distortionary would have a beneficial effect on economic growth, although economists concede that the size of this effect is uncertain and impossible to quantify.
Nonetheless, some tax reforms are likely to be a key component of a bipartisan deficit-reduction deal, because they provide Republicans who oppose increases in tax rates for high-income taxpayers with an ideologically preferable way to increase revenue from them.
Unfortunately, it will take time to negotiate tax reforms – more time than remains until the end of the year, when the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts are scheduled to expire for all taxpayers.
Instead of conspiring to hobble its American rivals, stifle innovation, and deprive Europeans of the full benefit of the Internet, Germany should practice what it preaches and make the difficult reforms it needs to raise its game.
An integral feature of the reforms that Deng Xiaoping launched 30 years ago was greater autonomy for local authorities – a move aimed at fostering accountability and creating incentives for growth.
Because its market grew faster than its tax, regulatory, and judicial arrangements could evolve, the country was beset by rising income inequality, pollution, financial risks, and corruption – all of which must be addressed in the next phase of structural reforms.
What precisely those reforms should be, however, remains subject to heated debate among China’s elites, policymakers, and disadvantaged groups, as well as foreign stakeholders.
This means pursuing a set of bold reforms that not only bolster confidence, but also strengthen China’s hand in negotiations with the US and foreign investors.
The good news is that far-reaching reforms can actually be easier to justify during periods of uncertainty, transition, or even crisis.
Much as Deng Xiaoping did with his 1992 “south China tour,” China’s leaders today must redouble their efforts to unleash the “animal spirits” of domestic businesses, while spurring local governments to spearhead their own reforms.
Moreover, after a series of scandals cost Abe some newly appointed ministers, some fear that he may no longer be willing to follow through on the liberalizing structural reforms – the so-called “third arrow” of Abenomics – that sustained economic recovery requires.
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