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Reconciliation in sentence

449 examples of Reconciliation in a sentence

Its main goal is to inhibit Western support for Georgia, and to prevent reconciliation with the breakaway regions.
Brandt began and Schmidt continued reconciliation with the East while confirming the country's place in the West.
The hope that Obama is holding out for Americans is one of reconciliation – racial, political, between the wealthy and the poor, and between America and its allies.
Just as Reagan had his “Reagan Democrats” who were attracted by his message of hope after the malaise of the Jimmy Carter years, Obama will have his “Obama Republicans,” attracted by the hope of national reconciliation and healing.
His daughter dates an African-American, and, to his credit, he believes in racial reconciliation.
If Netanyahu is ever to lead a historic reconciliation with the Palestinian people, he should start by endorsing a courageous, almost post-Zionist insight reflected in Dayan’s 1956 eulogy.
Even though your ascension to the position of Prime Minister came in an awkward way because of Ariel Sharon’s stroke, I believe that you have an opportunity to be part of a historic reconciliation.
While I understand that you are an Israeli patriot, I believe that much can be done to reduce the tensions between our two peoples, eventually leading to genuine reconciliation and peace.
Given that East Asia, unlike Europe after 1945, never experienced full reconciliation among rivals, or established strong regional institutions, it has been forced to depend on the US-Japan Security Treaty to underpin regional stability.
And it has not been strengthened by the Libyan revolution, but rather by the failure of state-building in North Mali, the absence of post-conflict reconciliation and reintegration in Algeria, and a lack of accountability for a shadowy Algerian security establishment whose brutal methods have proved woefully inadequate to the challenge.
Part of the GSPC abandoned armed tactics and made peace with President Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s regime, which promised reconciliation, the release of political prisoners, investigations of more than 10,000 disappearances, social reintegration, political rights, and, most important, civilian control of the armed forces.
Disappointment was pervasive, with some of the former insurgent commanders publicly arguing that the regime was not honoring its obligations, and that the reconciliation process was a sham.
Such a reconciliation may, indeed, prevent one of today’s fashionable academic ideas, that of a “clash of civilizations” between the Christian and Moslem worlds, from ever taking place.
But if peace and reconciliation with its Arab neighbors, and especially with the Palestinians, are not achieved, this year’s celebrations will remain hollow.
On several occasions, we have also been instrumental in facilitating peace and reconciliation.
Moreover, a marked lack of reconciliation and settlement of long-standing disputes makes it all too easy to imagine not only a military incident involving two or more neighbors, but also the possibility that such an incident leads to something larger.
The national reconciliation agreement in Palestine between Fatah and Hamas, signed in Egypt on May 3, is one of the major results of this sea change.
The joint organization of the 2002 World Cup by Japan and South Korea helped accelerate bilateral reconciliation.
But there is another path that Turkey can follow, one that has been traveled by countries with historical burdens that are at least as heavy: ending the politics of denial and embracing acknowledgement, thereby opening the way for reconciliation and progress.
Rather than trying to ease dissatisfaction or attempt reconciliation, Arab governments are using brute force to shut down every possible space for dissent or debate.
Quite courageously, Mesic stuck his neck out by testifying in the Croat cases at the Hague tribunal for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia and by pursuing his own brand of reconciliation politics in Bosnia and Montenegro, activities that many thought would kill off his chances in electoral politics.
Violence must give way to security for inhabitants; lawlessness and political exclusion must give way to the rule of law and participatory government; ethnic, religious, or class/caste polarization must give way to national reconciliation; and ruined war economies must be transformed into functioning market economies that enable ordinary people to support themselves.
Projects must be judged by whether they contribute to peace and reconciliation, rather than on purely economic grounds.
Effective demobilization and reconciliation in El Salvador, for example, ensured the consolidation of peace after that country’s brutal civil war of the 1980’s.
Any transition to peace may well prove ephemeral unless policymakers make political reconciliation and integration – not optimal economic policies – the bedrock priority.
Will the crisis lead to nationalistic and selfish attitudes on both sides of the Atlantic, stymieing the long-awaited rapprochement, if not a full reconciliation?
Iran does deserve to be classified as a regional and, perhaps, a global promoter of instability; its support for the fundamentalist Islamic terrorism of Hizbollah in Lebanon is, indeed, aimed at further undermining the diminishing chances for an Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation.
Europeans did much better at reconciliation with their neighbors after WWII, in part because the malign and evil conditions of Nazi rule made it necessary to talk about the past in terms of moral categories rather than power politics.
In contrast to America’s engagement in multilateralism, or Europe’s search for reconciliation through a plethora of common institutions, power politics is much more a part of Asia’s twentieth-century legacy.
The Gaza cease-fire should be allowed to facilitate reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, which would make the Annapolis process more legitimate and inclusive.
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