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Raises in sentence

773 examples of Raises in a sentence

The extra tax that US firms pay if they repatriate profits raises their cost of capital, thus reducing their ability to compete in international markets.
Given that American companies have large amounts of profits abroad that have never been subject to US tax, the transition could even be carried out in a way that raises net revenue.
In Mexico, for example, the tax is a peso per liter, which raises the price by around 10%.
This raises the question of why governments keep secrets at all, and whether those reasons are justified.
Within the US, the lower price is transferring real income from oil producers to households, which raises short-term demand because households spend a higher proportion of their incomes than oil firms do.
For example, the belief that fiscal austerity raises income, rather than lowering it, even in the short run, was a mistake, as was the refusal in 2010 to write down the debt.
Of course the funding of science raises many political and economic problems.
All of this raises the risks of war, whether accidental or intentional.
But when seemingly solid employment growth is juxtaposed against weak output, the story unravels, revealing a major productivity slowdown that raises serious questions about America’s long-term growth potential and an eventual buildup of cost and inflationary pressures.
Similarly, Democrats should reverse the change to the estate tax contained in the Republican tax law, which raises to about $22 million the amount a married couple can pass, free of estate or gift taxes, to their heirs.
Last year The Economist claimed that “Growth really does help the poor: in fact it raises their incomes by about as much as it raises the incomes of everybody else.”
Yet it is deceptive to conclude from this that growth raises the incomes of the poor “.. by about as much as it raises the incomes of everybody else.”
I only hope that it raises them enough over the next 18 months to avoid the financial instability and longer-term inflation that could result from the long era of excessively easy monetary policy.
However, Biya’s advanced age raises serious questions about the potential fallout from a political transition and what such a transition might mean for existing contracts.
But this policy mix raises several concerns.
The voluntary sector admittedly raises more complicated issues.
Some of this raises memory of the shameful visits during World War II of the International Committee of the Red Cross to the Nazi camp at Theresienstadt: the Red Cross basically found conditions satisfactory, though obviously not easy.
But the real problem is far worse because the 3% exclusion raises the specter of an odious policy of divide and conquer, as developing countries are invited to vie with each other to make sure that America does not exclude their vital products under the 3%.
We also agree on the need for a radical change to the financial-policy regime to promote stability and reduce the risk of future crises But, while White raises valid issues concerning the separate issue of how to respond to the post-crisis mess of debt overhang, deleveraging, and deflationary pressures, he does not undermine my case for considering the option of using OMF to fund increased fiscal deficits.
As White suggests, this raises a third question: whether the commitment to permanence can be made credible.
When a positive technological “shock” raises real wages, people will work more, causing output to surge.
When everyone raises trade barriers, the volume of trade collapses.
The PLO will likely gain much from Abbas’s decision, because it de-emphasizes the status of the PA president and raises the profile of his post as chairman of the PLO’s executive committee.
It would be far better, in my view, to leave the Fed with an overall systemic role, which raises fewer new accountability issues.
This raises a key question: what happens to these Arab “baby boomers” if the generation now coming to power clings to it as tenaciously as the generation of Mubarak, Assad, and Hussein?
This raises their costs and limits demand for their services.
This raises another challenge of technological innovation: we will need to support the transfer of proven technologies to poorer countries.
That raises a simple question: What is Kenya doing in Somalia, and is it worth the price?
It raises questions about the stringencies of the World Bank’s eligibility criteria and allocation models which can prevent support of the most needy.
This raises the question: What is really preventing economists and policymakers from devising – or even seeking – a unified theory of economics?
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