Radical
in sentence
1428 examples of Radical in a sentence
In pursuing
radical
but necessary reforms, he has been counting on stronger economic growth to vindicate him.
Finally, the Israeli government’s increasingly
radical
and nationalistic embrace of Jewish identity above all else is changing the dynamics of anti-Semitism globally, as anti-Israeli sentiment becomes blurred with hostility toward Jews.
Aside from deep uncertainty regarding the course of events in Egypt and Libya, now Syria is on the verge of civil war, and
radical
forces may get the upper hand in Yemen, undermining security in Saudi Arabia.
Even within countries, say Tanzania where the mainland and the island of Zanzibar are usually at loggerheads, there are often
radical
differences in opinion and approach.
Indeed, as governments scramble to respond to the current crisis, we should remember that deflation tends to produce not only
radical
anti-capitalism, but also a profound hostility to any kind of economic or political organization.
The government’s initial intention was to deflect
radical
demands for an extreme version of Islamic governance.
The UMNO’s more
radical
turn is being matched by the PAS’s attempts at moderation.
As a result, the UMNO finds itself squeezed between an Islamic lobby that presses for greater “Talibanization” of the country and the rising voices of international critics, who cannot be ignored, because the party needs both
radical
supporters and foreign investors to stay in power.
As a young Islamic radical, Anwar Ibrahim used to ask: How does one Islamicize government?
None of this change, however, seems to have led to the
radical
shift required for companies to survive and thrive.
And it adheres to the extreme reactionary version of Islam known as Wahhabism, a Salafist doctrine that influences many of today’s most
radical
Islamist groups.
If it fails, the
radical
Salafists who will assume power in Riyadh will make the Iranian mullahs look like liberals.
The magnitude of this change is due, in part, to a
radical
and rapid shift in China's governance.
They clearly cannot copy the crude nativist recipes of the
radical
right, which would not only be economically counterproductive, but would also fly in the face of progressive values, alienating cosmopolitan supporters.
The elder brother, Tamerlan, who died in a gun battle with the police, appears to fit perfectly the profile of what the German writer Hans Magnus Enzensberger calls “the
radical
loser.”
The
radical
loser is the kind of young man who feels victimized by an unfeeling, uncaring world.
If two troubled young men with homemade bombs cobbled together from fertilizer and pressure cookers can have this effect on a major American city, one can imagine how tempting their example must now be to other
radical
losers, not to mention
radical
groups.
But by claiming to be soldiers at war with the world’s biggest military power, they gain sympathy, as well as recruits, among the
radical
losers and the disaffected.
This renewed focus on education partly reflects the world’s shock at recent attacks on education, including the Pakistani Taliban’s shooting of Malala Yousafzai and the
radical
Islamist sect Boko Haram’s kidnapping of over 200 schoolgirls in Nigeria.
He was once a stone-throwing, radical, street-fighting man.
We also agree on the need for a
radical
change to the financial-policy regime to promote stability and reduce the risk of future crises But, while White raises valid issues concerning the separate issue of how to respond to the post-crisis mess of debt overhang, deleveraging, and deflationary pressures, he does not undermine my case for considering the option of using OMF to fund increased fiscal deficits.
One
radical
regime change, proposed in the 1930’s by economists like Irving Fisher and Henry Simons, and endorsed by Milton Friedman in 1948, would be to abolish fractional reserve banking (and thus banks’ ability to create new credit, money, and purchasing power autonomously).
My own judgement is that we have not yet been
radical
enough in our redesign of the regime, and that the problems of debt overhang and deleveraging, resulting from our deficient pre-crisis regime, remain so profound that all available response options need to be carefully considered.
The point is that eventually, despite strong regional loyalties and various cultural and religious differences, the majority can identify as being simply “Pakistani” – even though they may harbor
radical
differences about what this might mean.
For us, peace is both a moral imperative and a national-security strategy, because resolving the conflict would help to stabilize the region by neutralizing the extremists who seek to manipulate today’s popular movements to advance their
radical
agenda.
But here, again, the solution would not demand
radical
change.
But for years Hamas and other
radical
Palestinian groups have rejected the Oslo process, on the grounds that free elections under Israeli occupation would be absurd.
Then there is a more
radical
alternative.
Nor can it be assumed that Iran’s divided and
radical
leadership would always act rationally, or that proliferation would stop with the Islamic Republic.
It is a somewhat
radical
vision, one that can be fulfilled only if political forces are willing to embrace it, not least in France and Germany.
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