Protests
in sentence
1477 examples of Protests in a sentence
Such
protests
against public agencies, employers, and developers are now commonplace (though not always authorized).
For example, Muslims objected to the 1991 war against Iraq, but did not mount public
protests.
That pace, however, seems too fast for President Khatami’s domestic foes, who are working hard to thwart any opening, as the arrest last week of a key Khatami supporter Teheran’s mayor (and his release following street
protests
by his supporters), suggests.
In the absence of such institutions, distributive conflict can easily spill over into protests, riots, and civil disorder.
When the Arab Spring
protests
erupted a decade later, the US security establishment viewed the sudden vulnerability of the Qaddafi and Assad regimes as a similar opportunity to install new regimes in Libya and Syria.
Across dozens of countries, people have been airing their grievances against the status quo through social media, protests, consumer choice, and the ballot box.
Today, even
protests
that do not break any laws are often decried as “uncivil” or too “divisive” for an already polarized society.
PARIS – From the moment the French government canceled its planned fuel tax hike in the face of massive protests, it was obvious that the move would be perceived as inadequate, insignificant, and above all incapable of having any calming effect.
If the Yellow Vests decide the machine they have unleashed has overtaken them, and they can no longer stop Act IV, they must be prepared during the
protests
to help the police flush out the violent “brown vests” who will be circulating among them.
While the 1968
protests
challenged the French Republican model to live up to its finest aspirations, today’s crisis challenges the French Revolution’s model of citizenship and integration itself.
In recent years, local-level
protests
– opposing everything from poor working conditions to illegal logging, land grabs, and environmentally or socially damaging infrastructure projects – have proliferated.
But instead of bowing to popular pressure, the political and economic elites have, in many cases, preferred to crack down on the
protests
themselves.
The denunciation of popular
protests
is not just the province of autocratic regimes.
Even democratic governments – such as those of Australia, Canada, and India – have resorted to claims that
protests
are externally controlled in order to discredit local resistance to, say, oil pipelines or coal mines that are supposed to generate profits and growth.
He has also faced street
protests
for attempting to reform the labor market – a politically hazardous move that has taken down many previous French governments.
Similarly, at the start of 2018, many French commentators seemed to think that we were approaching another “May 1968” or “December 1995,” when mass strikes and street
protests
paralyzed the entire country.
Under Tung’s leadership, mass
protests
became a frequent sight in Hong Kong.
Compounded by the deepening integration of the region through Chinese migration and extractive development policies, Uyghur
protests
erupted throughout the late 1990s, eventually leading to isolated bombings, attacks on Uyghur sympathizers to Chinese rule, and violent responses to Chinese police actions against illegal social gatherings and activities.
Presently, diminishing Uyghur activism and decreasing political
protests
suggest a shift toward withdrawal.
At
protests
calling on politicians to respond to climate change, a cry has rung out: “No coal, no gas, no nukes, no kidding!”
And in Palestine,
protests
against the use of defamation laws to imprison political opponents have gained traction, with popular support for Bakr having played a key role in spurring the agreement that allowed her to return to her house in Nablus without being arrested or called in for questioning.
In a pointed statement, Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Kotzias accused Russia of also funding
protests
within Greece, and declared that his country would not be bullied.
According to Macedonian Prime Minister Zoran Zaev, Russia has funded anti-government
protests
and pushed Russian-oriented businesses in Macedonia to foment violence in the run-up to the September 30 referendum.
As we saw in the anti-IMF
protests
in Prague recently, and last year’s street
protests
against the World Trade Organization in Seattle, such fears are spreading far and wide.
The Politics of Revolutionary SurpriseDURHAM – In setting himself ablaze following a humiliating encounter with the police, the university-educated Tunisian vegetable seller Mohamed Bouazizi triggered a wave of
protests
across the Arab world.
If a sufficient number of Arabs reached that threshold at the right time, the long-docile Arab street would explode in anger, with each group of new protesters encouraging more to join in, giving people elsewhere in the Arab world the courage to initiate
protests
of their own.
The Arab street has changed the calculus of fear not only in the countries that have witnessed major protests, but also in the rest of the Arab world, where rulers are on notice that discontent need not remain submerged forever.
They will consider both easing repression, in order to gain sympathy, and tightening it, in order to prevent uncontrollable
protests.
Leung has also distinguished himself by inciting a large swathe of school teachers and students to stage massive street
protests
against his hasty effort to insert a “national education” program into the school curriculum in order to “reconnect” Hong Kong’s young people with the motherland.
But, as Tang correctly pointed out in response to a question about the protests, the “devil is in the details.”
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