Protectionism
in sentence
619 examples of Protectionism in a sentence
But there is a more compelling explanation: nobody will confront pervasive
protectionism.
Contrary to populist arguments,
protectionism
will not reduce youth unemployment or income inequality.
In confronting this admittedly huge challenge, we need to avoid short-sighted responses, such as
protectionism
and other measures that stifle innovation.
The Trump administration is taking shape as a coalition of businesspeople who wrongly believe that
protectionism
is a good way to help the economy and market fundamentalists who now dominate the Republican caucus in the US House of Representatives.
Selling Trump’s signature issue –
protectionism
– to the House Republicans was not easy.
We now must ask what surging nationalism and
protectionism
in an increasingly interdependent world mean for the way governments are structured.
As elsewhere, Trump’s
protectionism
and national narcissism are sustained by the anxiety of those hit by the impersonal dark forces of the “market.”
Further raising the effective tariffs Chinese firms face is an anti-dumping regime that is often used as an instrument of protectionism, with rules that are biased against Chinese producers.
But while structural problems, from diminishing returns to capital to the rise in
protectionism
since the global economic crisis, are certainly acting as a drag on growth, another factor has gone largely unnoticed: the business cycle.
Issues raised by globalization’s opponents, such as labour standards in poor countries -- all those images of exploited women and children in sweat-shops -- are manipulated by rich countries as a form of
protectionism
by other means.
But, though many experts fear that
protectionism
is undermining globalization, threatening to impede global economic growth, slower growth in global trade may be inevitable, and trade liberalization is decreasingly important.
The main reason for slow progress in trade negotiations is not increasing protectionism; it is the fact that further liberalization entails complex trade-offs no longer offset by very large potential benefits.
Yet some political forces in Europe (as well as the United States) are now speaking out against international economic integration, proposing a return to the
protectionism
of the past.
In 1998, during the Asian financial crisis, instead of engaging in beggar-thy-neighbor devaluations and financial protectionism, countries found common ground to guard against future crises.
Like Britain and the US, France remains deeply divided between those who favor a liberal, open society and those who seek closed politics and borders, between supporters of European and global integration and proponents of nationalism and
protectionism.
This is not a call for total protectionism; the AU's members should compete fiercely between themselves during this stage.
Moreover, in the past, southern African countries put their faith in
protectionism
and import substitution policies.
What is moderately bad news at the moment will become terrible news only if economic distress in the advanced countries – especially the US – is allowed to morph into xenophobia and all-out protectionism; if large emerging markets such as China, India, and Brazil fail to realize that they have become too important to free ride on global economic governance; and if, as a consequence, others overreact by turning their back on the world economy and pursue autarkic policies.
Their assumption is that Republicans will back free trade and oppose
protectionism.
Taken to its extreme, America’s accusations risk pushing the world’s two largest economies down the slippery slope of trade frictions, protectionism, or something even worse.
If the European authorities do not move to address overcapacity in the automotive sector, we will surely see a revival of
protectionism.
This gives rise to what may be called financial protectionism, which threatens to disrupt and perhaps destroy global financial markets.
In the 1930’s, trade
protectionism
made a bad situation worse.
In today’s global economy, the rise of financial
protectionism
constitutes a greater danger.
The EU’s remaining members might agree more easily on common policies regarding internal and external security and foreign policy; but, for Germany, it would become harder to champion free trade and oppose
protectionism.
The paradox is that this has been good for holding the line on
protectionism.
That governments did not break out into
protectionism
after the global financial crisis hit surprised many.
The solution was obviously to forgo
protectionism
and increase aggregate demand instead.
The Doha Round ought to profit from some of these fundamental forces that favor open trade and impede
protectionism.
A 2009 G-20 agreement to refrain from
protectionism
in the aftermath of the global financial crisis helped to fend off
protectionism.
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