Protection
in sentence
1991 examples of Protection in a sentence
This would not be a case of misusing a tool (a frequent occurrence in trade policy when interest groups lobby for
protection
against foreign competition); rather, it would be a case of using the tool in precisely the intended way.
We agree that precarious, gig-economy labor is gangrene for social welfare, but we (strongly) disagree about how to extend
protection
to casual workers without casualizing protected workers.
Prior to the welfare state, the tension between openness and redistribution was resolved either by large-scale emigration of workers or by re-imposing trade protection, especially in agriculture.
Until recently, its large domestic market and relative geographical insulation provided considerable
protection
from imports, especially from low-wage countries.
Korean rulers only managed to survive by playing one foreign power off against the other, and by offering subservience, mainly to Chinese emperors, in exchange for
protection.
They played China against the Soviet Union, while securing the
protection
of both.
It should be noted that liberalization does involve some economic tradeoffs, as
protection
can, in some areas, serve an important purpose.
Over the past decades, various interest groups staked out powerful claims to
protection
and subsidies, while ambitious politicians regulated most areas of the European economy.
These private sector improvements, however, are nowhere to be seen among large businesses controlled by Government, even though many of these firms have a substantial minority of private shareholders who need
protection
from managerial abuse.
That
protection
comes at a price: if not a loss of civility, then certainly of urban mobility, as cars clog the roads.
But the report’s authors believe that there is a need to expand the current mandates, develop a comprehensive approach to consumer protection, and reduce further the influence of national authorities.
But even in advanced economies, where social
protection
is broad in scope, access to benefits is far from equal.
While this was happening, the European counterparts of America's managers, with a few exceptions, have either been busy reconciling the demands of their “hard core” shareholders – composite groups of stakeholders, rarely united by common interests – or sought to secure government assistance and
protection
against international competition.
In the absence of the TPP, it will be critical to find some other vehicle for establishing new principles for digital trade in the twenty-first century, with a greater emphasis on intellectual property protection, cross-border data flows, and trade in services.
In fact, such templates now extend beyond conventional trade issues (for example, agricultural protection) to vast numbers of areas unrelated to trade, including labor standards, environmental rules, policies on expropriation, and the ability to impose capital-account controls in financial crises.
Given the obvious need, and the availability of technologies to meet it cost-effectively, one would think that publishers and officials charged with the
protection
of intellectual property would quickly embrace an agreement that would give sight-impaired people broader access.
After decades of contentedly relying on the US for protection, Japan is being shaken out of its complacency by fast-changing security and power dynamics in Asia, especially the rise of an increasingly muscular and revisionist China vying for regional hegemony.
In areas as diverse as employment and social inclusion, environmental
protection
and climate change, health, external and internal security, and the fight against illegal migration and poverty in the Third World, European citizens are demanding effective policies.
Having a single currency has turned out not to afford substantial
protection.
Second, the decline in US power and influence relative to China and other rising powers is natural, inevitable, and not a cause for alarm among those long reliant on America’s
protection
and support.
But the responsibility to reconcile global commerce with the
protection
of basic human rights does not fall first and foremost on consumers.
Conflict prevention and human-rights
protection
are primarily the responsibility of states, and it is increasingly recognized that businesses must play their part as well.
Let us start by recommitting ourselves to realizing the shared vision of a world in which all children get a fair start in life with the
protection
of vaccines.
Indeed, US military spending exceeds the sum of federal budgetary outlays for education, agriculture, climate change, environmental protection, ocean protection, energy systems, homeland security, low-income housing, national parks and national land management, the judicial system, international development, diplomatic operations, highways, public transport, veterans affairs, space exploration and science, civilian research and development, civil engineering for waterways, dams, bridges, sewerage and waste treatment, community development, and many other areas.
Yet cities like Hangzhou, Portland, and Vancouver take pride in their “green” ethos, and go far beyond national requirements in terms of environmental
protection.
Looser standards for issuers weaken
protection
for investors, and there is evidence that lax regulation of new issues may reduce investor demand for them, raising the cost of finance.
That means studying how Chinese law is developing and being deployed in the
protection
of rights, and creating opportunities to interact with those who are at the forefront of these movements in all areas of law.
Quick or easy Senate approval of the New START arms-control treaty is highly unlikely, given stated concerns about verification and the
protection
of US missile-defense programs; instead, we can expect delays and, possibly, attempts to amend what the two governments already agreed upon.
The first is for the US and the rest of the region to wholeheartedly support, and if possible reinforce, the democracy and human rights
protection
instruments developed over the years, given the precarious nature of democracy and respect for human rights in nations like Ecuador, Venezuela, Bolivia and others.
Member countries would receive an asset that was more stable than the dollar, as it was based on a basket of currencies, thereby providing better
protection
against losses.
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