Property
in sentence
1809 examples of Property in a sentence
Tocqueville noted that “Americans are fond of explaining…[how] regard for themselves constantly prompts them to assist each other, and inclines them willingly to sacrifice a portion of their time and
property
to the general welfare.”
Countries as diverse as Peru, Vietnam, and Mexico would have signed on to labor laws enshrining workers’ rights to form independent unions and engage in collective bargaining, as well as intellectual
property
protections to defend against counterfeiting and unfair subsidies to state-owned enterprises.
But Trump’s claim is consistent with his intense focus on “deals,” as if trade negotiations were a one-off transaction for the next luxury
property
or package of distressed debt.
Failures to promote social solidarity can have other costs, not the least of which are the social and private expenditures required to protect
property
and incarcerate criminals.
The insurrection, which continues to this day, and Indian security forces’ response to it have caused great loss of life and property, and have all but wrecked the state’s economy, which is largely dependent on tourism.
His 60-point plan included reforms of fiscal policy and the financial sector that would set market interest rates on loans and deposits, permit some private-investor participation in state-owned enterprises, increase the role of small and medium-size enterprises, loosen labor restrictions, and introduce
property
taxes to boost revenue for local authorities.
That is why all prosperous societies are capitalistic in the broad sense of the term: they are organized around private
property
and allow markets to play a large role in allocating resources and determining economic rewards.
The catch is that neither
property
rights nor markets can function on their own.
So
property
rights rely on courts and legal enforcement, and markets depend on regulators to rein in abuse and fix market failures.
All that governments needed to do to ensure the division of labor was to enforce
property
rights, keep the peace, and collect a few taxes to pay for a limited range of public goods.
But, while “capitalism” – defined as an economic system built on private ownership of
property
– clearly has prevailed, there are many differences among the nearly 200 countries that now practice it in some form.
Consider the unrelenting promotion of efforts to strengthen
property
rights.
In reality, the so-called “tragedy of the commons” is neither ubiquitous nor inevitable, and individual
property
rights are not always the best – and never the only – institutional solution for dealing with social dilemmas.
To be sure, powerful economic forces – including China’s rise, globalization, high inequality, and soaring
property
prices – have buffeted Hong Kong since 1997, undermining the city’s competitiveness and contributing to social discontent.
A company might own, at most, the intellectual
property
underlying its genetic test; and, because the research and development needed to develop the test may have cost a considerable amount, the firm might rightly charge for administering it.
A bankruptcy system that allows entrepreneurs to survive the inevitable failures that accompany innovation, as well as stronger protection of intellectual
property
and improved access to equity finance, are also needed.
This year, many Russian officials turned from dividing the riches to defending their new
property.
As the 19th Party Congress acknowledged, honoring these commitments will require China to protect private
property
rights and entrepreneurship.
Chinese policymakers have raised serious concerns about the growing risks of inflation and
property
bubbles.
Its violations include maintaining nontariff barriers to keep out foreign competition; subsidizing exports; tilting the domestic market in favor of Chinese companies; pirating intellectual property; using antitrust laws to extort concessions; and underwriting acquisitions of foreign firms to bring home their technologies.
After all, democracy implies regarding individuals as equal and treating them as such, with every adult getting an equal vote, whereas free enterprise empowers individuals based on how much economic value they create and how much
property
they own.
One reason that the median voter rationally agrees to protect the
property
of the rich may be that she sees the rich as more efficient managers of that
property.
In today’s Russia, for example,
property
rights do not enjoy widespread popular support, because so many of the country’s fabulously wealthy oligarchs are seen as having acquired their wealth through dubious means.
There is a popular belief that democratic systems support
property
and enterprise because votes and legislators can be bought, and the capitalists have the money.
The middle class, however, is divided: some want to protect whatever entitlements and
property
they already have, while others want the government to give them a fairer chance.
It must also mean developing a robust rule of law, granting people enforceable
property
rights, and providing citizens with institutional means to settle their disputes.
Current California Governor Jerry Brown has spent the last eight years cleaning up the fiscal mess the state’s voters created back in 1978, when they passed Proposition 13, lowering
property
taxes by 57%.
Embezzlement, Galbraith observed, has the
property
that “weeks, months, or years elapse between the commission of the crime and its discovery.
Although the postwar population boom and heavy regulation meant that real estate prices in many countries went up more often than down, a sudden collapse of the
property
market--such as happened in Japan a decade ago--may dramatically reduce the value of most people's savings.
In Yaoundé, Cameroon, the AfDB helped to protect some 300,000 people and their
property
by reducing the frequency of floods from 15 incidents per year to just three.
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