Promise
in sentence
2341 examples of Promise in a sentence
It is hard to see how barring the world’s most promising young people can be squared with the “Leave” camp’s catchy but disingenuous
promise
of creating a “global Britain.”
It needs policies that hold out the
promise
of lower unemployment and better times.
Troops could begin to be brought home, in line with the
promise
made by President Barack Obama when he announced his Afghan strategy at West Point on December 1, 2009.
His
promise
to restore coal-mining jobs (which now number 51,000, less than 0.04% of the country’s nonfarm employment) overlooks the harsh conditions and health risks endemic in that industry, not to mention the technological advances that would continue to reduce employment in the industry even if coal production were revived.
Although Morales campaigned on a
promise
to nationalize mineral resources, this has not happened yet, and, indeed, he now seems to be leaning towards partnerships with big state-owned energy companies, in the manner of Venezuela’s Pedevesa or Brazil’s Petrobras.
At the same time, just as the twentieth century’s convergence of physics and engineering transformed our lives, the accelerating convergence of biology and engineering is driving unprecedented discoveries that
promise
to create another platform for innovation, the rise of new industries, and economic growth.
The Decline of the West RevisitedLONDON – The terrorist slaughter in Paris has once again brought into sharp relief the storm clouds gathering over the twenty-first century, dimming the bright
promise
for Europe and the West that the fall of communism opened up.
The fall of Qaddafi and his authoritarian regime holds great
promise
for a people bereft of freedom for 42 years.
The
promise
of liberal internationalism was snuffed out for three presidential administrations, from the election of Warren G. Harding in 1920 until FDR took office in 1933.
Obama did, however,
promise
a change of policy, indicating that before any strike was undertaken, he would require “near-certainty that no civilians will be killed or injured – the highest standard we can set.”
But Obama did
promise
greater transparency, which is essential to any sound debate over the rights and wrongs of drone attacks, and to democratic control over how the US is waging its war against terrorism.
The administration’s refusal to apologize to Jaber, or even to explain what went wrong, indicates that this
promise
has yet to be fulfilled.
Obama needed to meet his
promise
to set a new direction in foreign policy while simultaneously managing to juggle the issues left to him by George W. Bush, any of which, if dropped, could still cause a crisis for his presidency.
In a new book, Confront and Conceal, David Sanger describes what he calls an “Obama Doctrine” (though he faults the president for not communicating it more clearly): a lighter military footprint, combined with a willingness to use force unilaterally when American security interests are directly involved; reliance on coalitions to deal with global problems that do not directly threaten US security; and “a rebalancing away from the Middle East quagmires toward the continent of greatest
promise
in the future – Asia.”
In the global debate about work, family, and the
promise
of gender equality, no society is exempt.
The ANC’s
promise
of a “better life for all” after the end of apartheid was the economic equivalent of an ostensible easing of the traffic jam.
Eventually, South Africans lost faith in the repeated
promise
that more opportunities were coming.
In developing countries, shifting the focus of international investments from an exclusive focus on child survival to an integrated approach to early childhood health and development offers greater
promise
than addressing either domain alone.
Brazil’s swift recovery from the 2008 financial crisis endeared it to international financial markets; but weak growth since then has left yesterday’s
promise
unfulfilled.
On the other hand, to secure that
promise
of peace and stability, Europeans must recognize that the Union is not and cannot be perceived as a work set in stone.
Even the joint declaration signed by the British and Chinese governments in 1984, which set the stage for the 1997 handover, offered the somewhat imprecise
promise
that the chief executive would be appointed by China “on the basis of the results of elections or consultations to be held locally.”
The current radicalization of Hong Kong citizens, particularly its young people, reflects a desire to change that, and make China pay a price for reneging on its
promise
of “self-rule” and responding to dissent with repression.
Another risk is that, while the emirate has enjoyed a long period of political and economic stability, a significant regional upheaval could cause foreign workers, whatever their skill level, to take flight, regardless of the
promise
of high salaries and an attractive lifestyle.
Politicians can and will
promise
to do a better job, but they cannot succeed unless we identify ways to boost government services’ efficiency and productivity.
What is essential about Chen is neither his blindness nor his family’s visit to the US, but the fact that he upholds a vision of universal human rights, a vision that can be fully realized only when, and if, China honors its
promise
to allow him one day to return home.
After imposing punitive fees on its commodity exports, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi voiced “hope that Mongolia has taken this lesson to heart” and that it would “scrupulously abide by its promise” not to invite the Tibetan spiritual leader again.
In the 1970s and 1980s, the magnetic
promise
of integration helped stabilize democracy in Greece, Spain, and Portugal.
In the 1990s, when ten countries and 100 million citizens broke from the Soviet empire and joined the West, the
promise
of EU accession eased, encouraged, and to some extent guided the transition.
The soft power of an integrated Europe inspired democratic reform for decades in Turkey; and only two years ago, the
promise
of Europe inspired democratic change in Ukraine.
It is a paradox, indeed, that all candidates in Bolivia
promise
social and economic change when they all are basically looking at the past for inspiration and are in thrall to the same model of development.
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