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Programs in sentence

3183 examples of Programs in a sentence

Much of it goes to programs for which there is little evidence of effectiveness.
As in the case of other aid programs, the equivalent of hundreds of billions of dollars has been transferred from richer economies to a much poorer one, with negative, if unintended, consequences.
Effective aid programs have almost always been temporary in nature, working – as was the case with the Marshall Plan – through short, sharp, finite interventions.
Indeed, Greece’s current plight, including the massive run-up in the debt ratio, is largely the fault of the misguided troika programs foisted on it.
China also is expanding its geopolitical influence through initiatives like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, aid programs in Africa, and its “One Belt, One Road” plan to establish maritime and territorial links through the Indian Ocean and Central Asia, extending all the way to Europe.
The drop was the result of long-term environmental policies, including programs aimed at mitigating climate change, which undercut demand for coal.
In more than 20 countries worldwide, we have schools programs that connect children of different faiths to learn about each other.
Chinese universities should produce higher-quality graduates at a slower rate, and all other students should matriculate through vocational programs, which will lose their current stigma as they become the primary educational option.
Globalization and technological innovation are not painless processes, so there will always be a need for retraining initiatives, lifelong education, mobility and income-support programs, and regional transfers.
The European public has discovered that the 2008-2009 fiscal stimulus programs, which were aimed at forestalling an even greater crisis, generated more debts than jobs.
The generous retirement pensions, unemployment compensation, health coverage, and all kinds of social programs that make Western Europe a comfortable place to live were established when Europe’s economy and population were growing fast.
The questions are whether these will be enough and what happens to those countries that will not be able to avail themselves of these programs.
Supplementation programs costs $4,300 for every life they save in India, whereas fortification programs cost about $2,700 for each life saved.
The value of the multiplier depends on assumptions about the size of the “gap,” “leakages” from the spending stream, and the effect of government programs on confidence.
This leads to a policy dilemma: rising unemployment rates are forcing politicians in the US and other countries to consider additional fiscal stimulus programs to boost sagging demand and falling employment.
In an effort to save the financial system from collapse – and, later, in pursuit of economic recovery – the Fed has engaged in very active policies: near-zero interest rates, massive asset-purchase programs, remuneration of banks’ reserves, and so forth.
But mutual mistrust remained, in part because the father of Pakistan’s nuclear program (presumably with government knowledge) aided and abetted the nuclear programs of Libya, North Korea, and Iran.
Following the example of Mongolia, where pastoralists can purchase private insurance to protect against the loss of herds from drought, microcredit programs could be established to insure pastoralists against similar risks and thus provide funds for restocking after a disaster.
That is why it is more important than ever for international donors and African governments to continue to support programs that give small farmers access to the good seeds, quality tools, and reliable markets that they need to become self-sufficient.
Emerging political actors feel compelled to develop more detailed economic programs and to address their populations’ growing material grievances.
These parties’ economic programs are by and large pro-market, emphasizing the private sector’s role in driving growth and the need to attract foreign capital.
The Islamists’ economic programs also foresee a role for international institutions in helping their countries to overcome the challenges that they face.
Indeed, whereas the US Federal Reserve terminated its large-scale securities purchases, known as “quantitative easing” (QE), last month, the Bank of Japan and the European Central Bank recently announced the expansion of their monetary-stimulus programs.
Similarly, while public financing of pensions and welfare programs is dependent on taxing labor, much of the region currently suffers from high rates of unemployment; in the Western Balkans, there are nearly no jobs, or none at all.
I encounter these questions everywhere: in Mexico City and the provinces; on radio programs and university campuses; among ordinary people, psychology students, and health professionals.
Some of the most notable programs include the Indian Dairy Cooperative, which has created an estimated 250,000 jobs, mostly in rural areas.
Most of the discussion surrounding how to respond to Asia’s tsunami disaster has focused on government relief programs and official schemes to implement early warning systems.
Discussion of early warning systems for tsunamis has focused on government programs.
When the Trump administration formally reinstated the rule, it expanded the list of international aid programs that made funding conditional on meeting anti-abortion criteria.
Like many developing countries, South Africa receives hundreds of millions of dollars from the United States every year; in 2016, my country received $531 million from the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to help fund “health and population” programs.
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