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Programs in sentence

3183 examples of Programs in a sentence

Finally, the AIDS effort was able to expand as a result of strong advocacy and collaborations that reshaped markets for diagnostic and treatment programs.
Some members of South Korea’s governing conservative Saenuri Party now openly call for the acquistion of nuclear weapons, believing that this will deter a North Korean attack and prompt China to increase pressure on its client to roll back its weapons programs.
The US, South Korea, and Japan should cooperate on missile defense as the first line of regional deterrence, while also fortifying and dispersing vulnerable targets, deepening trilateral intelligence sharing on North Korean threats, and working with the international community to disrupt the North’s weapons programs.
Other programs may help in indirect ways, but there obviously is much room for improvement.
We have used risk-sharing programs in Germany, where we cooperate with two major payers on the pricing for Aclasta, an osteoporosis treatment.
During much of the 1980s and 1990s, the Bank oversaw structural adjustment programs in developing countries that focused on deregulation, privatization, and economic liberalization, especially trade opening, all of which helped to enable globalization.
Initiatives like conflict-resolution workshops, reconciliation commissions, cross-cultural education programs, and compulsory civic duty for school leavers could also help.
Political and media support ought to focus on programs that work on the ground, as reported by humanitarian and non-governmental agencies, and not on particular religious agendas.
The same basic idea of allowing the state to distribute gas revenues, although with different intended purposes, is found in their programs.
Under such a system of ECB guarantees, there would still be an important role for traditional stabilization programs, like those now in place for Ireland, Portugal, and Greece – particularly while countries still run primary deficits.
Today, a conflict with North Korea over its nuclear and missile programs tops most lists of potential crises.
By 2008, total resources for HIV programs in low- and middle-income countries were an incredible 50 times higher than they were just 12 years earlier.
The real espionage, however, lies not in Snowden’s decision to release NSA secrets, but in the surveillance programs that he exposed.
Ironically, by turning the affair into a spy thriller, Putin has helped the US to salvage its reputation – or at least to deflect some of the attention from the NSA’s surveillance programs.
Russian society will also pay a price, with the NSA’s surveillance programs giving the Kremlin ammunition to defend the expansion of state control over the Internet and other aspects of citizens’ personal lives.
Indeed, at the slightest provocation, Putin will be able to point to America’s hypocrisy for spying on, say, European Union facilities as part of expanded surveillance programs supposedly within the scope of the war on terror, and for hunting Snowden after accusing Russia of unfairly prosecuting the whistleblower Sergei Magnitsky.
The new government should promote researcher-policymaker partnerships to design and evaluate innovative programs to solve knotty policy challenges like improving learning outcomes and boosting preventive health care.
In the last 25 years, foreign-aid programs have helped usher in an era of unprecedented progress in the developing world.
Experience shows that health and development programs pay enormous economic dividends.
Indeed, it is in developed countries’ own interest, in both security and economic terms, to help fund development programs.
They are contributing more to their own development, through domestic public programs supported by smart tax and fiscal policies.
This is not to say that existing aid programs are perfect.
The truth is that, thanks to extensive experience designing and implementing cost-effective aid programs, poorly used funds represent a tiny fraction of the total invested in aid.
In the meantime, both sides would be well advised to undertake a careful analysis of previous experiences with programs that were approved in principle, rather than becoming immediately operational.
When defined well, including by specifying a short period for the prospective shift to being fully operational, such programs can serve as a catalyst and conduit for relaxing a binding constraint on growth and financial viability.
Notwithstanding some bumps along the way, the succession of such programs in the 1980s helped avoid disruptive defaults, and culminated in meaningful reductions of debt and debt-service obligations, which helped several Latin American economies restore high growth and financial viability.
A few years later, the process was repeated successfully in the debt-reduction programs for low-income countries under the HIPC (Heavily Indebted Poor Countries) initiative.
The right in Poland and Hungary used the communitarian rhetoric of Christian conservatism, but once in power, they reverted to their original programs and governed like neo-liberals.
After all, member countries would then be able to pool their resources, harmonize programs, and rationalize costs, thereby reducing individual governments’ financial burden.
Unemployment in Turkey and Jordan are about 10% and 12%, respectively, and their governments are naturally wary of programs that could cost their citizens jobs.
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