Preferences
in sentence
418 examples of Preferences in a sentence
I feel especially bad for Grant Williams, a fine actor, who was likely blacklisted because of his sexual preferences, not to mention a well publicized feud with Jack Webb, then director of production for Universal.
The original story of "O.C. and Stiggs" appeared in National Lampoon, and it was both uproariously funny AND outrageously offensive to both genders, ALL races, and ALL sexual
preferences.
This movie is an exploration of the "reality" of the inner mind, and it's power to shape reality to it's own
preferences.
The fact that this film was by far the biggest draw of its year at the British box office makes it far more interesting, as a historical document of the culturally regressive
preferences
of a population on the verge of the 'progress' of currency decimalisation, than as an otherwise ineffably disturbing episode in British cinema history.
Race relations in the US have been for decades - and remain - at the center of political debate, to the point that racial cleavages are as important as income, if not more, as determinants of political
preferences
and attitudes.
Some favor affirmative action programs that provide
preferences
for minorities in job allocation, college admission, and public contracts.
People want simplicity, yet at the same time, in a world of targeted marketing, customization, and precision, in which vendors struggle to give consumers exactly what they want, people can help themselves by thinking clearly and specifying their
preferences.
Lafontaine now plays directly on the
preferences
of public transfer recipients and firmly occupies the left margin of German politics, dreaming the dream of the everlasting welfare state that can draw on unlimited resources.
Here, there are winners and losers, because the majority can force through its preferences, even if the gains its members reap are dwarfed by the losses incurred by the minority.
It is equally important to allow both states and asylum-seekers to express their preferences, using the least possible coercion.
Unless you think that a modern financial sector really can operate with absolutely no regulation of any kind (including, presumably, the rules for banks that come with deposit insurance), the real problem is not government officials’ policy preferences, but what financial-sector lobbyists are able to persuade officials to do.
Legislators, of course, have different
preferences
about what kinds of laws to support, which can make it hard to study mechanisms of political influence precisely.
The Fed today has a “habitat theory” about why this time is different – that is, why the
preferences
of investors for particular maturity lengths imply that a yield-curve inversion would not mean what it has always meant.
There could be no objection to economic liberalism if unimpeded markets fulfilled their promise of satisfying individual
preferences
through the operation of Adam Smith’s “invisible hand.”
The wealth of proprietary data on consumer
preferences
and behavior is producing such massive returns to scale that a few giants are monopolizing markets.
And, as with corporations, they can do so with the help of data on electoral
preferences
and behavior, and with new strategies to target key constituencies.
Greece first tried and failed to use a referendum to impose its
preferences
on its creditors, which then used their superior leverage to render the referendum’s outcome moot.
The Vatican II reforms, for example, emerged not from a populist groundswell, but from the
preferences
of progressive theologians and bishops.
Instead of presenting menus of options and listing the relevant trade-offs – which is what economics is about – economists have too often conveyed their own social and political
preferences.
But we also need public policy to be responsive and accountable to the
preferences
of the electorate.
When elites have sufficient power, they have little interest in reflecting the
preferences
of the public at large.
And it requires IMF management to demonstrate that it can consistently make decisions based on program countries’ economic interest, not on the political
preferences
of powerful national shareholders.
Smaller countries, meanwhile, will be freer to develop according to their own political, cultural, and economic
preferences.
But they are mostly not chosen directly; those rules generally reflect compromises among elected representatives who can argue and negotiate in person, reflecting the overall
preferences
of those who elected them.
But there are many less familiar examples of information that is learned or acquired from parents by non-genetic means, ranging from the feeding techniques of monkeys and rats to the food
preferences
of rabbits and the song dialects of birds and whales.
Not only does this comport with the
preferences
of the American public - polls show that two-thirds of Americans prefer multilateral actions to unilateral ones - but it has practical implications as well.
The street protests in Cairo over the past 30 months clearly reflect the political
preferences
of middle-class youth.
Political systems in many emerging countries, they argue, become unstable because their composition is insufficiently representative and their policy
preferences
are excessively narrow.
“Generation consciousness,” unlike the “class consciousness” of old, is obviously not a defining factor in people’s political
preferences.
Russia envisions Ukraine becoming something akin to Bosnia – a radically federalized country comprising political units that each adhere to their own economic, cultural, and geopolitical
preferences.
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