Populists
in sentence
696 examples of Populists in a sentence
Worse still, the knee-jerk globalism that suffuses G20 meetings feeds into the populists’ narrative.
Elsewhere, the recent Dutch and French election results (and favorable expectations for the German election this September) have reduced the risk that
populists
will come to power in Europe.
And yet, he shares right-wing populists’ hostility to liberal academics, journalists, and intellectuals.
Populists
find support among those resentful faces in the crowd, people who feel that elites have betrayed them, by taking away their sense of pride in their class, their culture, or their race.
So Latin America as a whole probably is not facing a wave of right-wing
populists.
Today’s surging European populists, who hold European values in contempt, cannot be allowed to cause us to miss that opportunity through bigotry and fear mongering.
Likewise, the alliance between businessmen and religious
populists
is hardly unique to Turkey.
In Europe, similar ethical and political failures in response to globalization have fueled widespread support for
populists
of the right and left.
Pulled in different directions by plutocratic funders and angry nativist populists, the GOP became ripe for a Trump-style hostile takeover.
Starting early in Barack Obama’s presidency, as Tea Party
populists
took center stage, Trump became popular, because he championed efforts to delegitimize America’s first black president.
But, unlike populists, he favors an effective and inclusive sovereignty, European in scope and supported by two more key pillars: unity and democracy.
At a time when irresponsible opportunists and
populists
in the UK are taking a wrecking ball to their country’s own institutions, and those of Europe, Ukrainian reformers are trying to build something new.
Now Western political elites are making another mistake when – seemingly cowed by the
populists
– they fail to mount a full-throated defense of liberalism’s virtues.
After all, Western Europe’s left-wing
populists
have often drawn inspiration from their Latin American counterparts.
More politically effective, but economically and socially damaging, is the approach of
populists
like US President Donald Trump, who offer simplistic explanations that play on voters’ fears and frustrations (for example, by blaming immigrants or countries with trade surpluses) while pretending that there are easy fixes (say, erecting walls and import barriers).
It leads to paper-tiger sovereignty, undermines the credibility of democratic governments and the multilateral system, and empowers smugglers and authoritarian
populists.
Likewise, though Europe’s
populists
use their opposition to “Brussels” as a rallying flag, their ideology retains the atavism that motivated their forebears.
All told, at least one billion people are now being ruled by
populists
of one sort or another.
The conclusion seems unavoidable:
populists
are the offspring of economic gain, not pain.
The details vary, but the message is clear: traditional political elites’ many mistakes make them ideal fodder for anti-establishment
populists.
Simply put,
populists
seldom build a healthy economy.
But
populists
are unlikely to take control of any European government in the foreseeable future, even where the risk currently seems highest, in countries such as Hungary, Greece, and France.
But, to make sense of the deepening crisis of liberal democracy – which has also emboldened far-right
populists
throughout Europe – we need to recognize that they are actually complementary.
A noble dream just several years ago, the elimination of nuclear arms is no longer the idea only of
populists
and pacifists; it has now been adopted by professionals – politicians known for their realism and academics known for their sense of responsibility.
As the continental
populists
are learning, disengagement makes impossible demands of leaders.
Such constraints can only serve the “enemies of the people” – minorities and foreigners (for right-wing populists) or financial elites (in the case of left-wing populists).
Populists’ aversion to institutional restraints extends to the economy, where exercising full control “in the people’s interest” implies that no obstacles should be placed in their way by autonomous regulatory agencies, independent central banks, or global trade rules.
Indeed, right-wing
populists
in Poland and left-wing
populists
in Slovakia are now allied in government with extreme nationalist parties.
After 15 years of free-market policies,
populists
in Warsaw, Bratislava, and Budapest want to bring back the state.
Moreover, these
populists
attack the EU as an elite-imposed project, while pro-European coalitions have become exhausted, disintegrating in the aftermath of EU accession in 2004.
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