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Populists in sentence

696 examples of Populists in a sentence

The new European populists are parlaying legitimate frustration into a misguided set of policies that can only produce more of the same.
When right-wing populists first started gaining political traction, Europe’s center-left parties hoped that their traditional strengths would enable them to weather the challenge.
Will Italy’s Populists Upend Europe?
An Italian government combining two very different strands of populism will pose a serious threat to the European project, because it could form the core of a new federation of populists and Euroskeptics that have hitherto operated separately.
But if they succeed in governing, their political program could serve as a template for populists throughout the EU.
European populists would like nothing more than to create a self-hating parliament – one in which a majority of MEPs oppose the very existence of the institution in which they are serving.
Macron has introduced a new wave of thinking about the European project; and, like the populists themselves, he represents change, rather than the status quo.
The big question for this era of European history, then, is whether mainstream reformers will win out over populists.
Still, the populists smell blood in the water.
So far, one important difference between today’s right-wing populists, in Europe and the US, and the fascists and Nazis of the 1930s, has been the absence of storm troopers.
The traditional political structure always risks being taken hostage or outflanked by identity-focused populists.
Weak leaders buckled under the pressure, either aligning their rhetoric with that of the populists or getting steamrolled by their fiery competitors.
Now, memory laws have become one of the preferred instruments of nationalist populists attempting to consolidate their own power – and to incite the very xenophobic nationalism that once provided fertile soil for the Holocaust.
Le Pen and her fellow populists claim that globalization was either an act of foolish generosity that helped the rest of the world at the expense of the nation, or a phenomenon that benefited only the elites and not ordinary people.
Populists, then, are not only anti-elitist; they are necessarily anti-pluralist and hence anti-liberal.
It is often said that populists cannot govern, or will be exposed as incompetent, when elected to office.
Populists typically adopt a governing style that mirrors the very accusations that they leveled against the previous political establishment.
And when populists have an opportunity to write a new constitution, why should they not ride roughshod over any opposition, which, by definition, must comprise the enemies of the people (who often are accused of being foreign agents)?
Thus, liberals’ belief that they have only to expose the populists’ corruption to discredit them is a vain hope.
But it is reasonable to expect populists and independence movements in Europe and beyond to feel invigorated by the move.
This is why the whiff of disintegration is everywhere, not just in depressed Greece or in an Italy now ruled by racist populists, but also in a dangerously divided Germany.
Speaking to the Far RightNEW YORK – Something many right-wing populists have in common is a peculiar form of self-pity: the feeling of being victimized by the liberal media, academics, intellectuals, “experts” – in short, by the so-called elites.
The liberal elites, the populists proclaim, rule the world and dominate ordinary patriotic people with an air of lofty disdain.
The protest against inviting Jongen was not only intellectually incoherent; it was also tactically stupid, because it confirms the belief of the far right that liberals are the enemies of free speech, and that right-wing populists are victims of liberal intolerance.
That is why the populists’ choice for Minister of Economy and Finance was Paolo Savona, an 81-year-old economist whom the former Italian economy minister Vincenzo Visco has described as “radically and suicidally anti-German.”
Feelings of dispossession and disenfranchisement are fertile ground for populists.
He has stoked a sense of common grievance by maligning minorities and, like all populists, portraying the majority group as persecuted victims.
This only allows populists to score more political points by saying, in effect: “See, elites really do hate you, just as we said, and now they are bad losers.”
Those defending democracy against populists also sometimes have to tread on the dangerous ground of identity politics.
Populists are always anti-pluralists; the task for those opposing them is to fashion conceptions of a pluralist collective identity devoted to shared ideals of fairness.
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