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Populism in sentence

759 examples of Populism in a sentence

Europe has been handicapped by several major problems: a shaky consensus on sanctions against Russia; continuing questions surrounding the euro; the threat of a British exit from the EU; and a resurgence of illiberal nationalism and populism.
The Taming of TrumpNEW YORK – Now that Donald Trump has unexpectedly won the US presidency, it is an open question whether he will govern in accordance with his campaign’s radical populism, or adopt a pragmatic, centrist approach.
Now that he has won the election, there is little reason for him to choose populism over safety.
And there is no reason to believe that the storms of populism blowing across the continent will not make landfall in the UK.
At the same time, a rising tide of populism and authoritarianism poses a risk to the stable democratic institutions that underlie long-term growth.
Although economists have endless debates about whether culture or institutions lie at the root of economic performance, there is every reason to be concerned that the recent wave of populism is a threat to both.
By definition, the fall of the establishment implies the rise of the anti-establishment, often in the form of populism.
The problems implied by these four trends will be impossible for leaders, inside or outside the Arab world, to address all at once, especially at a time of rising populism and nativism across the West.
An unresolved financial crisis, a refugee crisis, a deteriorating security environment, and a stalled integration process have created throughout Europe a toxic, unstable political environment in which populism and nationalism thrive.
Many are speculating that the “pink tide” of populism, which has pushed the region to the left over the last 15 years, now is turning.
But is it really populism that these countries are rejecting?
Meanwhile, the rise of populism and the geopolitical risks introduced by Trump’s presidency will not be mere historical footnotes, and could mark the end of globalization as we know it.
Calls for liberalism coexist with statist dogma, and bloviating populism trumps regard for complexity and hard choices.
The bankruptcy of these two respectable but now out-moded positions opens the door for a new populism, based on an anti-globalization groundswell.
Dani Rodrik of Harvard University issued a pointed rebuke to those who assume that today’s populism can be addressed simply with better social programs, rather than with a more comprehensive revision of the rules of globalization itself.
In the current difficult global economic climate, public concerns about immigration and access to jobs inevitably grow more acute, increasing the risk that rival forms of lumpen populism and associated tensions will emerge.
Rightly so: without a strong policy response aimed at building a more inclusive growth model, rising populism and economic nationalism will impair the functioning of markets and overall macroeconomic stability – potentially cutting short the current global recovery.
From the shift toward illiberalism in Poland and Hungary to the Brexit vote in the United Kingdom and Donald Trump’s victory in the United States’ presidential election, a particularly lethal strain of populism is infecting societies – and it is spreading.
The appeal of populism is straightforward.
Today’s populism advances a toxic new xenophobia, one that threatens to fracture our societies.
Nobody wants to repeal citizenship legislation that makes birthplace, not bloodlines, the basis of belonging, and everybody is proud that right-wing populism has never taken off in the way that it has among some of Germany’s neighbors.
Trump’s agenda speaks to the big lie at the heart of the populism now roiling both America and Europe.
The rise of right-wing populism reflects revived yearnings for pure national communities that keep immigrants and minorities out.
The Oslo tragedy coincides, moreover, with the rise of demagogic populism throughout the West, from the Tea Party movement in the US to far-right parties all over Europe.
As I argued in my book The Geopolitics of Emotion (which was translated into Norwegian), populism is the direct product of a culture of fear.
Increasingly Islamism is becoming a form of right-wing populism.
Such a tricameral legislature, its proponents believe, would better ensure that political decisions are made by more educated and enlightened representatives, thereby avoiding the rank populism of Western-style elected factions.
There is an urgent need for a moderate, humanist, global, and “constructive” populism that can counter the extremists, not with complicated mathematical models of, say, the employment implications of Brexit, but with simple yet powerful ideas that resonate with millions.
What makes “constructive” populism constructive is that it simplifies what is known with a reasonable degree of certainty.
This kind of destructive populism is far less common at the local level, where debate focuses on concrete solutions to citizens’ real problems.
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