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Populism in sentence

759 examples of Populism in a sentence

This superficial understanding of populism makes the French presidential election an ominous symptom of Europe’s blind leadership.
In addition to fueling toxic populism, economic insecurities are also fostering more constructive responses from dissatisfied citizens.
After the recent elections in the Netherlands and France, a growing chorus is now proclaiming that “peak populism” has passed.
But sound economics is not enough to give liberalism an edge in the fight against populism.
This kind of virulent populism thrives in Europe’s political vacuum.
Now the PD is blaming two forms of populism – Grillo’s and Berlusconi’s – for its fate.
But, as the “party of struggle,” it has its own populism – and a dismal 20-year record on reform – to blame.
In a 1995 essay for The New York Review of Books, the novelist Umberto Eco, who was born during Italian fascism in 1932, defines fascism expansively as a “cult of tradition” based in “selective populism.”
This is certainly true in Latin America, where a wave of leftist populism has swept many countries.
Growing Out of Populism?
But populism remains a wildcard, and only if growth picks up fast enough is it likely to be kept out of play.
Reviving Civil DisobediencePRINCETON – With populism and authoritarianism on the rise around the world, there has been considerable talk of “resistance,” especially in the United States.
The wave never hit, but its specter fed a tenacious anti-immigrant populism that has concealed an important new trend: migration to Europe – and to the United States – has largely stalled.
Undoubtedly, rising anti-immigrant populism must be confronted.
In addition to economic populism, a significant minority of the population also feels threatened by cultural changes related to race, culture, and ethnicity, even though much of this is not new.
Its financial system was unstable and prone to panics, and its political system was immature and prone to populism and nativism.
Given that threat, Trump’s economic populism will most likely manifest itself through abstinence – avoiding pro-market measures that clearly hurt the white working class.
In a way, that is too bad, because it is typical of the French intellectual and journalistic scene – typical, too, of the brand of populism checked by Emmanuel Macron’s election, but which remains deeply rooted in France.
If, by one of those political cross-breedings of which the last century gave us such infamous examples, the academic owls who savor their wads of rejection and rancor should form a hybrid with the vultures of far-right populism, Le Monde diplomatique will have been the laboratory.
And it is coming to an end at a time when economic populism is replacing technocratic management, often with white males turning to nativism in response to the destruction of their jobs and livelihoods by the impersonal forces of globalization.
No malicious external actor is imposing populism on Europe; it has emerged organically, fueled by real and widespread grievances.
While those grievances are not exclusively economic, the geography of populism does fit that of the EU’s economic malaise: too many Europeans have been losing out for too long.
If German voters in the autumn follow the French and Dutch in moving back toward the political center, immigration will also be discredited as the root cause of populism.
Instead, populism will look more like an Anglo-Saxon phenomenon, motivated less by immigration and economic policy than by conservative cultural attitudes among Trump and Brexit voters and the unusual demographic alliances pitting old against young, rural against urban, and university graduates against less educated voters in the US and Britain.
Brexit and Trump created an expectation that Europe would be the next domino to fall to populism in the looming Dutch, French, and German elections.
Or do they practice old style populism?
Even Bolivia’s government should not be regarded as a reincarnation of the continent’s old populism.
No doubt, his regime revels in all the historic forms of populism: messianic leadership, anti-American rhetoric, disregard for constitutional forms, drunken spending, and state-orchestrated popular mobilization to fill squares and jeer at supposed enemies.
In both cases, the particular dangers posed by today’s right-wing populism are underrated or ignored.
In the second scenario, common sense prevails: Macron-style pragmatism takes root in Britain, supplanting the Poujade-style populism that fueled the anti-EU “Leave” campaign.
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