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Populism in sentence

759 examples of Populism in a sentence

To discern whether we are seeing the high tide or ebb tide of populism in Europe, the results of individual elections mean little.
The focus must remain on the structural factors – above all, economic globalization in the absence of political globalization – underpinning the rise of populism.
The result has been a marked rise in nationalist populism – a trend that has led to new trade restrictions, the ongoing re-negotiation of existing arrangements (such as the North American Free Trade Agreement), and a backlash against supranational institutions (such as the United Kingdom’s vote to exit the European Union).
Why Is Japan Populist-Free?TOKYO – Even as a wave of right-wing populism is sweeping Europe, the United States, India, and parts of Southeast Asia, Japan has so far appeared to be immune.
His ultra-nationalist views and loathing of liberal media were a familiar version of right-wing populism.
And therein lies one explanation for the apparent lack of right-wing populism in Japan.
So one might say that elements of right-wing populism are at the heart of the Japanese government, embodied by a scion of one of the country’s most elite families.
Many observers now argue that the wave of right-wing populism that has engulfed the United States and much of Europe is headed for Latin America, where conditions are ripe for populist politicians to thrive.
Thus, the Brexit compromise, if it happens, may be a moderately optimistic foretaste of the fate of populism in our century.
Citizens are warned against the risks of populism (meaning the will of the people?).
Their highly ideological regimes are seeking a transition from Marxism to national populism.
If profound change is possible at the national level in the face of toxic populism, it should come more easily at the international level, where cooperation produces mostly winners.
The failure of European governments to manage the sudden influx of refugees in 2015 has fueled populism and intolerance in previously open societies.
Thaksin’s adversaries in Thailand’s entrenched regime were unwilling to accede to his policy innovations and populism.
But he seems to have a preference for shallow populism – a penchant for seeking ready-made symbols of legitimacy to win over a restive population.
But his was faux populism: while Bannon politically championed blue-collar workers, he lived on the millions he had attained from a stint at Goldman Sachs and through a fortunate investment in the TV comedy series “Seinfeld.”
Without a radical shift away from liberal economic policies, populism will be unstoppable.
A weak grasp of causes will lead to ill-conceived solutions – at which point populism truly may become unstoppable.
The other problem with the conventional wisdom’s simplistic link between globalization and populism is that it gets the timing wrong.
But there was no outbreak of nativist populism back then, and there is now.
A growing number of pundits and academics now believe that left-wing populism is the best strategy for returning the left to power and implementing policies to help the so-called “losers” of neoliberal globalization.
In her new book For a Left Populism, Chantal Mouffe of the University of Westminster argues that “left populism, understood as a discursive strategy of construction of the political frontier between ‘the people’ and ‘the oligarchy,’ constitutes, in the present conjuncture, the type of politics needed to recover and deepen democracy.”
Despite some resemblances, she believes that the different varieties of left-wing populism around the world “need to be apprehended according to their various contexts.”
But while it is true that the Latin American and Western European strains of left-wing populism are not identical, nor can they be delinked.
And in her new book, she lists Mélenchon in the acknowledgements, even as she omits the Latin American roots of left-wing populism in Western Europe.
But to examine the track record of radical left-wing populism in contemporary Latin America is to find a devastating picture.
Clearly, Latin America’s recent experience with left-wing populism has been nothing short of disastrous.
In my own research, I have always stressed the importance of examining the relationship between populism and democracy empirically.
The reason is simple: Though populism can bolster democracy, it can also pose a serious threat to it.
If the mild-mannered Monti speaks in these terms, what can we expect from the new breed of populism that is bound to result from the southern European crisis?
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