Populism
in sentence
759 examples of Populism in a sentence
Uncertain and skeptical citizens look towards politicians who are competing against each other to see who can claim the prize of the loudest voice of
populism
and nationalism.
Democracy has suffered obvious setbacks in Venezuela, in Russia, in Turkey and is threatened by the rise of authoritarian
populism
in Eastern Europe and the United States.
With the rise of national populism, despite being the best citizen I can, I now have to live with the idea that my government can hurt me for reasons I cannot control.
You see Brexit and you see the concerns of
populism
across all of the European states.
Latin America, a lot of populism, made the economies not go so well.
The problem with
populism
is the same problem with elitism.
I asked him, "How did you have the guts to confront the prevailing winds of anti-globalization, nationalism,
populism
when you can see what happened in Brexit, when you could see what happened in the United States and what might have happened in many European elections at the beginning of 2017?"
It also contributed to the rise of
populism
in Europe.
And one wonders, could this
populism
have been avoided if the West had not been distracted by the end of the Cold War and by 9/11?
MR: Yeah, at a time when
populism
is gaining strength, it becomes popular to justify the symptoms, to eradicate them, to make them invisible.
And I think this scheme shouldn't be called populism; it should be called an economic development strategy.
Aside from racism, nationalism,
populism
etc., the film is also guilty of exceptionally bad film making.
With his ambitious calls for European unity and dogged support of liberal democracy, Macron inspired hope that the wave of anti-European
populism
had crested, and that real progress was on the horizon.
The political system has been strained by the rise of
populism
and extremist forces on both the left and the right – and now, as the coming election highlights, there is the risk of renewed government instability.
While recent challenges – not least Italy’s budget battle with the European Commission – indicate that such an outcome is far from assured, it remains the most credible counterweight to the rise of
populism.
Both India and the US have responded to unrest over rising economic inequality with a kind of reactive
populism.
Fortunately, reason and hope prevailed over anger and fear, and French citizens defied those who warned that
populism
might triumph in the land of the French Revolution.
France’s contrarian electorate has demonstrated to the world – and especially to the Anglo-Saxon world – that one need not betray one’s defining values to defeat
populism.
Populism
is not only about promises to give more to more people; but, without those promises, all of the cultural elements of
populism
would look merely outdated and reactionary.
Economists who study
populism
generally draw lessons from Latin America, where past episodes of nationalist over-promising have quickly led to massive fiscal deficits that could not be financed.
If
populism
had an avatar, it would be the immortal cartoon character Wile E. Coyote, who, in his futile pursuit of the Road Runner, routinely sprints over cliff edges and continues to move forward, suspended by the logic of his own belief.
The ultimate danger of nationalist
populism
always reveals itself during a setback.
Bannon sees this effort as part of a “war” between
populism
and “the party of Davos,” between the white, Christian, patriotic “real people” (in the words of his British supporter, Nigel Farage) and the cosmopolitan globalist elites.
To bring true change, Macron will have to transcend the two contradictory but mutually reinforcing political models that have defined the last decade of EU governance: technocracy and
populism.
If Macron lives up to his promise, he will not stand for technocracy or populism, but for a genuine third way.
Can Macron’s method allow EU leaders to break the vicious circle of technocracy and populism, and end the paralysis of the last decade?
The rising tide of extremist
populism
in the West, it seemed, had finally turned.
This is a form of populism: it shows that even the most famous people are no better than us – and it sells newspapers (or, nowadays, generates Web traffic).
Today, that brand of
populism
is (knock on wood) in retreat across Latin America.
Ecuador also may soon end its flirtation with populism: Rafael Correa’s handpicked successor did less well than expected in the recent first round of the country’s presidential election.
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