Political
in sentence
22739 examples of Political in a sentence
California’s War With TrumpSTANFORD – If one looks past the headlines of the media’s full-time Donald Trump coverage, one can discern a global shift in political, economic, and cultural forces that might prove far more consequential for America and the world than the actual Trump presidency.
And, although the
political
differences between them remain huge, delegates are nonetheless congratulating themselves for having the answers to global warming.
Whether or not Copenhagen is declared a
political
victory, that inescapable fact of economic life will once again prevail – and grand promises will once again go unfulfilled.
Europe and the US have vastly greater influence and resources than Russia, with its atrophied
political
system and exhausted economic model.
What they lack is the willingness to accept the economic and
political
costs of defending the values that they claim to uphold.
Taming the ChaebolsSEOUL – The indictment of Lee Jae-yong, the heir apparent at Samsung, is but the latest explosive development in the
political
scandal that has been rocking South Korea.
Park is accused of using her
political
influence to benefit her longtime confidante, Choi Soon-sil, who is charged with forcing the chaebols to funnel about 80 billion Korean won ($70 million) into two nonprofit cultural foundations that she effectively controlled.
In exchange for that money, which is used to finance costly state projects or even
political
campaigns, the chaebols gain favors, such as cheap bank loans or preferential regulations.
Not surprisingly, the creation of a transnational Islamic
political
movement, boosted by thousands of underground jihadi Web sites, has blown back into the Kingdom.
This is the view heard most frequently from the
political
right – for example, from people who think that the main problem in the run-up to the financial meltdown of 2008 was government housing policies.
Legislators, of course, have different preferences about what kinds of laws to support, which can make it hard to study mechanisms of
political
influence precisely.
Big financial firms can more readily buy the necessary
political
protection (in the form of deregulation), enabling them to become even bigger and more dangerous.
But two recent films, Jia Zhangke’s A Touch of Sin, made in China in 2013, and Andrey Zvyagintsev’s Leviathan, made in Russia in 2014, reveal the social and
political
landscapes of these countries more precisely than anything I have seen in print.
One reason China has been transformed into a gigantic building site, with huge new cities emerging almost overnight, is that this drives a red-hot and highly corrupt economy, ruled by a Leninist party that has monetized
political
power by asset-stripping and construction.
What these governments share is the fusion of capitalist enterprise and
political
authoritarianism.
This
political
model is now seen as a serious rival to American-style liberal democracy, and perhaps it is.
Political
freedom is good for business, and vice versa.
And yet, for now, the societies depicted so acidly in Leviathan and A Touch of Sin continue to look good in the eyes of many people who are disillusioned with Europe’s economic stagnation and America’s
political
dysfunction.
On the left side of the German
political
spectrum, the proposition that 8 May 1945 was a day of liberation remains unchallenged.
Rapprochement between Christians is today a moral and
political
imperative.
The permanent danger of overstretching the country’s internal
political
structures is unlikely to permit any imperial foreign-policy role.
The vital interests guiding Chinese policy are internal modernization, the ruling regime’s
political
stability and survival, and the country’s unity (which includes Taiwan).
But this focus on internal growth will have massive
political
consequences, both domestically and in foreign-policy terms.
Otherwise, China would quickly reach its “limits to growth,” with disastrous ecological and, as a result,
political
consequences.
This US-Chinese tandem will run far from smoothly, and will do little but ameliorate crises and periods of serious economic and
political
confrontation, like that which is currently looming over the bilateral trade imbalance.
These areas rebelled against the advice of
political
and business elites to vote “Remain” and instead demanded protection from the vicissitudes of global change.
The “Leave” campaign’s very slogans – centered on bringing control back home – aligned it with populist, protectionist movements that are fracturing old
political
loyalties throughout the West.
At the national level, lack of
political
will has resulted in the craven use of referenda, such as the French and Dutch plebiscites on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe in 2005, the Netherlands’ vote on the EU-Ukraine association agreement last April, and the Brexit referendum nearly three months later.
The lack of historical vision among the current generation of
political
leadership undermines the shared sense of purpose needed to make EU citizens feel that they are part of the same community, regardless of their different national identities.
In short, the main factor undermining the EU is not economic, but
political.
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